TEE  USES  OP  SYMBOLISM  IB  GREEK  ART 

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THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM 
IN  GREEK  ART 


A  DISSERTATION 

PRESENTED  TO  THE  FACULTY  OF  BRYN  MAWR  COLLEGE  IN  PARTIAL 

FULFILMENT  OF  THE  REQUIREMENTS  OF  THE  DEGREE 

OF  DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 


BY 

JANET  M.  MACDONALD 


CHICAGO,  ILLINOIS 
1922 


THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM 
IN  GREEK  ART 


A  DISSERTATION 

PRESENTED  TO  THE  FACULTY  OF  BRYN  MAWR  COLLEGE  IN  PARTIAL 

FULFILMENT  OF  THE  REQUIREMENTS  OF  THE  DEGREE 

OF  DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 


BY 

JANET  M.  MACDONALD 


- 


. 


CHICAGO,  ILLINOIS 
1922 


Copyright  ig22  By 
Beyn  Mawr  College 


All  Rights  Reserved 


Published  January  1923 


.  •   •• 

•   < » „      *     •     « 


Composed  and  Printed  By 

The  University  of  Chicago  Press 

Chicago,  Illinois,  U.S.A. 


Art 

Library 

ft 

OUTLINE 

CHAPTER  PACE 

I.  Introduction i 

II.  Various  Classes  of  Symbols 3 

Group  I:  (i)  Attributive;  (2)  Representative;  (3)  Canting;  (4)  Com- 
mercial;  (5)  Agonistic;   (6)  Personification:   (a)  Concrete  objects. 

Group  II:    (6)  Personification:    (b)  Pure  abstractions,  (c)  .Allegory; 
(7)  Analogy;   (8)  Physical  terms  for  spiritual  ideas;    (9)  Cause  for 
effect;  (10)  Effect  for  cause. 
Group  III:  (11)  Apotropaic;   (12)  Necrological;  (13)  Astronomical. 

III.  The  Uses  of  Symbolism 16 

I.  Identification:  (1)  Of  deities;  (2)  Of  demi-gods  and  heroes; 
(3)  Of  occupations;  (4)  Of  race;  (5)  Of  time;  (6)  Of  place; 
(7)  Of  mint ;  (8)  Of  monetary  value. 

II.  System  of  Shorthand:   (1)  To  indicate  landscape;   (2)  To  sug- 
gest a  narrative. 

III.  Expression  of  Abstract  Ideas  and  Emotions 

IV.  Allusion  to  Historical  Events 
I 

V.  Protection  against  Evil 

a 

IV.  Relation  of  Symbols  to  the  Medium 32 

x 

W  (a)  Sculpture  in  the  round;   (b)  Relief  sculpture;   (c)  Vase-painting; 

(d)  Major  art  of  painting;   (e)  Coins;   (/)  Gems;   (g)  Terra  cottas; 
(h)  Architecture. 

V.  Comparison  of  Greek  Symbolism  with  the  Symbolism  of  Other 

Countries 39 

I.  Obvious  Similarities 

II.  Differences 

III.  Reasons  for  Differences 

Conclusion 49 

Bibliography 51 

Abbreviations 55 

Vita 56 

in 


216395 


CHAPTER  I 

INTRODUCTION 

Greek  art  has  been  discussed  in  general  and  in  detail  by 
archaeologists;  but  whether  the  investigation  has  been  from  the 
categorical  or  aesthetic  point  of  view,  no  one  element  of  that  art 
has  been  so  generally  taken  for  granted  and  so  little  analyzed  as 
symbolism.  Everyone  accepts  as  unquestioned  the  assumption 
that  personification  occurs  in  Greek  art  and  that  gods  were  known 
by  their  attributes  (e.g.,  Zeus  by  his  thunderbolt),  but  up  to  the 
present  time  little  has  been  done  in  classifying  the  various  kinds  of 
symbolism  or  in  indicating  what  use  was  made  of  symbols  by  the 
Greek  artist  and  artisan. 

The  purpose  of  this  dissertation  is  fourfold.  First,  to  note 
the  various  genera  of  symbols  found  in  Greek  art  from  the  sixth 
century  before  Christ  to  the  Graeco-Roman  age;1  second,  to 
ascertain  to  what  uses  these  symbols  were  put;  third,  to  discover 
the  relation  of  the  medium  to  the  types  of  symbols  used;  fourth, 
to  suggest  possible  relationships  between  the  Greek  treatment  of 
symbolism  and  that  of  other  nations. 

As  a  preliminary  step,  it  will  be  necessary  to  understand  clearly 
what  is  meant  by  a  symbol.  "  Symbol "  is  used,  not  in  the  restricted 
sense  of  the  numismatists,2  but  in  a  broader  sense.  The  use  of  a 
symbol  implies  that  the  object  depicted  does  not  carry  merely  its 
own  material  signification,  but  represents  some  idea  broader  and 
more  comprehensive  than  itself.3     For  example,  the  rose  of  Rhodian 

1 1  have  set  the  fall  of  Corinth  in  146  B.C.  as  the  practical  limit  of  Greek  work,  but 
I  shall  not  hesitate  to  include  works  which  may  belong  to  a  slightly  later  date,  if  they 
seem  to  corroborate  any  given  point. 

J  Cf.  Macdonald,  Coin  Types,  p.  3,  "The  mark  whose  presence  constitutes  a  coin 
is  spoken  of  by  numismatists  as  a  'type,'  while  the  word  'symbol'  is  used  to  denote 
any  secondary  device  which  may  appear  side  by  side  with  the  main  type  without 
being  linked  to  it  by  any  organic  connection." 

3  Goblet  D'Alviella,  The  Migration  of  Symbols,  Preface,  p.  2,  affirms  that  a  "  Symbol 
only  requires  that  it  shall  have  certain  features  in  common  with  the  object  represented, 
so  that  by  its  presence  alone  it  may  evoke  the  conception  of  the  latter." 


2  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

coins  is  not  a  mere  botanical  specimen,  but  is  the  intellectual 
concept  of  a  city  which,  because  its  name  was  similar  in  sound  to 
the  name  of  the  flower,  adopted  that  particular  flower  as  the 
symbol  to  indicate  the  city.  In  another  instance,  the  thunderbolt 
of  Zeus  on  coins  of  Elis  is  not  a  phenomenon  of  nature  realistically 
depicted,  but  is,  rather,  a  means  of  representing  the  dread  power 
and  awe-inspiring  authority  of  a  deity  who  ruled  the  sky  and  whose 
wrath  could  take  vengeance  with  the  swift  thunderbolt. 

An  exhaustive  catalogue  of  all  the  symbols  found  in  Greek  art 
is  not  possible  within  the  limits  of  this  dissertation.  Since  the 
attributes  of  the  gods  alone  would  fill  several  volumes  if  every 
known  instance  were  cited,  only  suggestive  examples  have  been 
listed.  No  attempt  has  been  made  to  discuss  the  psychological 
basis  for  any  symbols,  the  libido  theory  of  Freud  and  Jung  has  not 
been  treated  here. 

Many  of  the  genera  of  symbols,  such  as  personification,  have 
already  been  popularly  recognized,  but  to  others  purely  arbitrary 
terms  have  been  applied  in  this  dissertation.  In  any  such  classifica- 
tion groups  may  overlap  and  one  symbol  can  perhaps  be  interpreted 
in  several  ways.  Furthermore,  a  single  work  of  art,  such  as  a 
vase  painting,  may  contain  a  very  large  variety  of  symbols  from  the 
different  classes. 

Finally,  it  seems  advisable  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that 
symbols  appear  more  frequently  on  vases,  coins,  and  gems  than  in 
the  major  arts.  The  reason  for  this  phenomenon  will  be  discussed 
in  chapter  iv. 


CHAPTER  II 

VARIOUS  CLASSES  OF  SYMBOLS 

A  preliminary  distinction  must  be  drawn  between  symbolism 
as  an  artistic  device  and  symbolism  as  an  accidental  part  of  the 
pictorial  content.  For  instance,  a  vase  painting  representing  some 
ritual  scene  may  include  the  representation  of  various  ritual  objects 
of  a  symbolic  nature;  but  the  symbolism  here  is  not  artistic  symbol- 
ism, because  it  has  no  artistic  function  to  perform,  it  is  merely  a 
casual  part  of  the  pictorial  content.  So  stated,  this  distinction 
should  be  clear  and  obvious.  There  will,  however,  be  cases  where 
the  distinction  may  prove  somewhat  difficult  to  apply.  In  a  vase 
painting  of  Athena  an  owl  may  occur.  In  so  far  as  the  owl  is  there 
in  order  to  identify  Athena  for  the  spectator,  it  is  clearly  an  artistic 
symbol;  but  in  so  far  as  the  owl  is  due  merely  to  some  ritualistic 
association,  its  occurrence  will  be  none  of  our  concern.  In  particu- 
lar, we  shall  not  consider  the  implications  of  symbolic  objects  that 
have  to  do  with  the  study  of  Greek  magic,  or  ritual,  or  folk-lore, 
except  in  so  far  as  these  objects  have  some  artistic  function  to 
perform.  Our  test  will  always  be,  "Does  the  represented  object 
stand  for  any  object  or  idea,  other  than  itself,  which  is  necessary 
to  the  artist's  intention  ?  "  If  the  answer  to  this  question  is  in  the 
affirmative,  we  shall  conclude  that  the  symbolism  is  in  the  art 
and  not  merely  in  the  idea  represented. 

The  symbols  found  in  Greek  art  may  be  divided  into  three 
groups  according  to  the  kinds  of  ideas  which  are  involved.  The 
various  classes  of  symbols  under  each  of  these  main  groups  exhibit 
the  different  methods  employed  to  express  these  ideas. 

The  first  group1  comprises  symbols  which  stand  for  literal  and 
concrete  objects,  such  as  the  sea,  the  land,  a  city  or  state,  a  river, 
a  deity.     The   symbols  belonging   to   this  group  are  classed  as 

1  The  lack  of  corresponsion  in  the  form  of  various  terms  is  due  to  the  fact  that, 
wherever  terms  have  already  been  adopted,  I  have  used  them,  to  avoid  the  pedantry 
of  coining  new  names.  For  instance,  canting  and  personification  are  well  known, 
therefore  I  have  kept  both  terms,  although  one  is  an  adjective  and  the  other  a  noun. 


4  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

attributive,  representative,  canting,  commercial,  and  agonistic. 
Personification,  owing  to  its  twofold  nature,  forms  the  link  between 
the  first  group  and  the  next. 

The  second  group  comprises  symbols  which  deal  with  abstract 
ideas  or  with  emotions — fertility,  power,  purification,  fear,  pain, 
and  the  like.  These  ideas  and  emotions  are  generally  expressed 
by  substituting  some  object  which  has  sufficient  features  in  common 
with  the  original  to  awaken  by  association  the  conception  of  that 
larger  idea  or  emotion.  For  instance,  the  idea  of  fertility  was  so 
closely  interwoven  in  the  primitive  mind  with  the  phallus  that  the 
mere  appearance  of  the  phallus  served  to  recall  immediately  the 
more  abstract  conception.  The  symbols  belonging  to  this  group 
are  classed  under  the  headings  of  analogy,  physical  for  spiritual, 
cause  for  effect  and  effect  for  cause,  and  include  the  second  form  of 
personification  mentioned  in  the  preceding  paragraph. 

The  third  group  includes  symbols  which  give  expression  to  some 
idea  of  magic.     The  symbols  in  this  group  are  classed  as  apotropaic, 
necrological,  and  astronomical. 
Group  i  Attributive  symbols  consist  of  various  accessory  objects  worn 

or  held  by  given  figures,  or  displayed  in  conjunction  with  them, 
for  the  purpose  of  distinguishing  or  differentiating  some  being, 
human  or  divine.  This  genus  of  symbols  has  long  been  recognized 
in  Greek  art,  even  though  no  specific  name  may  have  been  applied 
to  it.  By  aegis,  armor,  snake,  or  owl,  Athena  can  be  easily  identified, 
whether  on  the  Varvakeion  statuette  (B.B.,  Pis.  39,  40),  or  on  the 
cylix  by  Euphronios  representing  Theseus  at  the  court  of  Amphitrite 
(F.R.,  I,  PI.  5).  By  thunderbolt,  scepter,  and  eagle,  Zeus  is 
recognized  on  the  Pergamene  frieze  (Baumeister,  II,  1252  f.,  PL 
XXXVII),  or  in  the  bronze  statuettes  from  Olympia  (Olymp. 
Pub.,  IV,  PL  VIII,  44,  and  VII,  45).  The  Aphrodite  Genetrix  of 
the  Louvre  is  known  by  the  pomegranate  or  apple  (B.B.,  PL  473); 
on  the  Meidian  group  of  vases  the  same  goddess  is  identified  by  a 
poppy  or  an  accompanying  Eros.  The  accoutrements  of  war 
prove  the  identification  of  the  god  Ares  in  the  famous  Ludovisi 
statue  (ibid.,  PL  388).  Hermes'  petasos,  kerykeion,  and  sandals 
are  too  well  known  to  require  any  references  to  illustrations. 
Poseidon's  ordinary  attribute  is  the  trident,  but  sometimes  a  fish 


Attributive 


VARIOUS  CLASSES  OF  SYMBOLS  5 

is  added  or  even  a  horse:  on  the  famous  Kertch  vase  showing  the 
contest  of  Athena  and  Poseidon  (C.R.,  Atlas  [1872],  PI.  I  =  Reinach, 
Vases,  I,  37)  all  of  his  attributes  appear.  Apollo  is  usually  known 
by  the  bow,  lyre,  or  tripod,  according  as  the  artist  is  representing 
the  "Far-Darter,"  the  god  of  music,  or  the  god  of  prophecy.  But 
on  the  Vatican  hydria,  commonly  attributed  to  Brygos,  all  three 
attributes  are  used:  Apollo  is  seated  on  a  winged  tripod  which 
travels  over  the  sea,  he  has  a  quiver  on  his  back,  and  he  carries  a 
lyre  (Mon.  d.  Inst.,  I,  PI.  XLVI  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I,  79). l  Nor  do 
gods  alone  possess  such  attributes,  but  demigods,  heroes,  and 
mortals  are  likewise  distinguished  by  some  peculiar  accessory. 
Among  demigods  we  need  only  cite  the  well-known  figure  of  Heracles 
with  his  lion  skin  and  club,  e.g.,  on  the  Geryon  cup  of  Euphronios 
(F.R.,  I,  PI.  22).  The  Palladion  which  Diomedes  stole  from  Troy 
furnishes  a  clue  to  the  identity  of  that  hero  on  a  vase  from  Ruvo 
{Mon.  d.  Inst.,  II,  PI.  XXXV  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I,  102).  A  house- 
wife is  known  on  Greek  grave-reliefs  by  the  basket  of  wool  at  her 
side  (stele  of  Mynno,  Gardner,  Sculp.  Tombs,  p.  157,  Fig.  62); 
the  Discobolos  of  Myron  (B.B.,  PI.  256),  the  Apoxyomenos  of 
Lysippos  {ibid.,  PI.  281),  and  the  Oil-Pourer  in  Munich  {ibid.,  PI. 
132)  are  examples  of  athletes  known  by  the  attributes  of  discus, 
strigil,  or  oil  flask. 

This  type  of  symbolism  developed  early  in  the  repertoire  of 
primitive  Greek  art,  because  there  were  so  few  anthropomorphic 
types  available,  in  fact  only  two — the  nude  male  and  the  draped 
female.  Apparently,  drapery  was  among  the  earliest  means  of 
classification  by  attribute.  With  sex  thus  indicated  by  drapery 
or  the  lack  of  it,  the  artist  was  confronted  by  the  problem  of  creating 
from  these  two  types  a  series  of  stock  characters  identified  by  vary- 
ing attributes.  In  the  representation  of  a  myth  or  a  scene  from 
daily  life  these  distinctive  attributes  would  preclude  the  possibility 
of  mistake  or  uncertainty  in  the  identification  of  the  participants 
in  the  scene. 

On  the  one  hand,  Greek  art  dealt  with  definite  and  concrete 
figures  of  gods  and  men  and  not,  like  much  modern  art,  with  vague 

1  For  more  complete  lists  of  the  attributes  of  these  and  other  gods,  compare 
Roscher's  Lexikon  under  the  name  of  each  deity. 


tive 


6  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

illusory  ideas  whose  creators  find  fault  with  that  bold  critic  who  asks 
for  "subject"  when  he  should  be  content  with  "line"  or  "color." 
Yet  on  the  other  hand,  Greek  artists  of  the  earlier  periods,  since 
they  were  not  realists  nor  portrait  painters,  had  to  identify  their 
characters  not  by  some  individual  quirk  of  eyebrow,  droop  of 
mouth,  or  set  of  ear,  but  by  accessories.  Thus,  from  the  limitations 
of  primitive  art,  there  grew  up  naturally  this  method  of  granting 
to  the  actors,  either  in  heroic  myth  or  in  daily  life,  some  attributes 
peculiar  to  themselves  which  for  all  practical  purposes  constituted 
a  pictographic  inscription  labeling  the  character, 
i.  Represent*-  Representative  symbols  are  those  which  emphasize  some  detail, 

small  in  itself  but  distinctive  of  the  whole,  for  the  purpose  of 
suggesting  some  larger  object  or  idea.  Owing  to  the  nature  of  the 
thought,  comprehensive  ideas  could  not  be  translated  directly  into 
artistic  terms  because  of  limitations  in  craftmanship  or  in  the 
medium.  In  later  art  convention  demanded  the  retention  of  the 
same  symbols.  Since  the  small  space  of  a  vase  or  coin  and  the 
exigencies  of  Greek  artistic  canons  made  difficult  the  drawing  of  a 
whole  landscape,  some  method  of  suggesting  land  or  water  had  to 
be  found  which  could  conform  to  the  area  available.  Thus,  by  a 
very  natural  association  of  ideas  a  fish,  octopus,  sea-serpent,  or  fish- 
tailed  monster  suggested  the  sea.1  On  the  cylix  by  Exekias  showing 
Dionysos  sailing,  the  sea  is  inferred  from  the  presence  of  dolphins 
(F.R.,  PI.  42) ;  on  Syracusan  coins  the  Arethusa  head  is  surrounded 
by  dolphins  to  indicate  salt  water  (Hill,  Coins  of  Sicily,  Nos.  1-3, 
frontispiece) ;  and  on  the  reliefs  of  the  Heroon  at  Trysa  a  fish  and 
a  turtle  mark  the  sea  into  which  Theseus  hurls  Sciron  (Reinach, 
Reliefs,  I,  459).  In  the  same  way,  land  is  represented  by  a  tree, 
a  shrub,  or  an  animal:  on  the  Francois  vase  (F.R.,  I,  PI.  13),  in  the 
register  showing  the  Dance  of  Theseus,  two  plants  indicate  land; 
in  a  scene  on  a  Caeretan  hydria  [Mon.  d.  Inst.,  VI-VII,  PI. 
LXXVII  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I,  162)  a  fish  represents  water,  while 
land  is  indicated  by  means  of  trees  and  a  rabbit.  Because  of  a 
similar  association  of  ideas,  air  can  be  represented  by  a  winged 

1  Goblet  D'Alviella,  Migration  of  Symbols,  p.  12,  mentions  this  as  "symbolism  so 
natural  that  it  does  not  belong  to  any  definite  region  or  place,  but  constitutes  a  char- 
acteristic feature  of  humanity  in  a  certain  phase  of  development." 


VARIOUS  CLASSES  OF  SYMBOLS  7 

creature,  such  as  the  eagle  under  the  feet  of  the  Nike  of  Paeonios 
(B.B.,  Pis.  444,  445). 

Another  sort  of  representative  symbol  is  seen  in  the  drawing  of 
houses  and  temples.  The  limited  knowledge  of  perspective  made 
the  drawing  of  buildings  a  difficult  task,  and  consequently  the 
Greeks  often  used  one  or  two  columns  to  represent  the  whole 
building.  Many  instances  of  this  may  be  seen  on  vase  paintings. 
In  other  cases  a  column  served  to  indicate  a  race-course:  on  a  vase 
from  Ruvo  in  the  Hermitage  (C.R.,  Atlas  (1862),  PL  IV  =  Reinach, 
Vases,  I,  12)  men  on  horseback  race  between  two  columns  which 
flank  the  scene.  By  the  same  sort  of  symbolism  a  ship  or  part  of  a 
ship  might  suggest  a  naval  battle:  the  Nike  of  Samothrace,  because 
she  is  standing  on  the  prow  of  a  ship,  represents  not  merely  a  victory, 
but  specifically  a  naval  victory  (B.B.,  PI.  85). 

A  third  type  of  symbol,1  which  usually  has  been  termed  canting,  3.  canting 
is  quite  frequent  upon  coins,  and  indeed  is  largely  limited  to  that 
field  of  art.2  This  type  involves  a  pun  or  play  upon  words.  Such 
a  play  upon  the  name  of  their  city  was  adopted  by  many  Greek 
states  to  distinguish  their  mint.  Characteristic  examples  of  this 
group  are  the  use  of  the  rose  (podov)  at  Rhodes  (Head,  H.N.,  pp. 
637  f.);  the  seal  (<f>6)Kr))  at  Phocaea  (ibid.,  pp.  587  f.);  the  bee 
(jue'Xirra)  at  Melitaea  (ibid.,  pp.  301  f.);  the  pomegranate  (alSri) 
at  Side  (ibid.,  p.  703);  and  Aeneas  carrying  Anchises,  at  Aeneia 
(ibid.,  p.  214).3 

Closely  akin  to  this  type  is  one  which  not  only  identifies  the  4.  commercial 
mint,  but  advertises  the  city's  trade.  This  type  of  symbol  may  be 
termed  commercial,  because  it  represents  some  object  suggestive 
of  trade  and  commerce — perhaps  an  article  or  export  peculiar  to  a 
given  city.  In  this  group  may  be  included  the  silphium  of  Cyrene 
(ibid.,  pp.  865  f.)  which  formed  a  staple  article  of  trade  in  the 

1  The  following  three  classes  of  symbols  are  chiefly  confined  to  coins. 

2  It  is  possible  that  the  Aphrodite  of  Melos  may  contain  a  canting  element — if  one 
concedes  that  the  hand  with  an  apple  found  beside  the  statue  belongs  to  it.  In  that 
case,  the  apple  (fxfjXov)  in  the  hand  of  the  goddess  might  be  a  play  on  the  name  of  the 
island  as  well  as  an  allusion  to  the  functional  attributes  of  Aphrodite.  For  other 
instances  in  sculpture,  cf.  Gardner,  Tombs  of  Hellas,  p.  130. 

3  The  representation  of  Aeneas  may  be  a  hint  at  the  legend  that  the  city  was 
founded  by  the  Trojan  hero,  but  it  can  also  bear  canting  significance. 


8  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

commerce  of  that  city,  and  the  ear  of  corn  of  Metapontum  {ibid., 
p.  75).  The  latter  symbol  has  been  claimed  as  an  attribute  of 
Demeter  or  Apollo;  yet,  granting  this,  there  seems  no  adequate 
reason  why  it  could  not  simultaneously  refer  to  trade  in  that  article ; 
it  is  an  open  question  which  would  be  the  earlier  significance — 
religious  or  commercial.  The  wine  cup  and  grapes  of  Naxos 
(ibid.,  p.  488)  may  likewise  belong  here,  though  referring  at  the 
same  time  to  the  worship  of  Dionysus  who  was  especially  revered 
in  that  city.  Probably  the  Bacchic  types  on  the  coins  of  Mende 
(ibid.,  p.  211)  carry  a  similar  suggestion  of  the  famous  wine  of  that 
city.  Certainly  the  tunny  fish  of  Cyzicus  (ibid.,  pp.  522  f.)  must 
be  an  example  of  the  commercial  type,  and  the  wine  jar  for  Chios 
(ibid.,  pp.  599  f.)  probably  refers  to  the  far-famed  Chian  wine. 
Concerning  the  mussel  shell  of  Cumae,  Head  notes  (ibid.,  p.  37), 
"The  mussel  shell  is  a  remarkable  example  of  the  irapda-rjfxov  of  a 
city,  borrowed  from  among  the  natural  products  of  the  locality. 
The  shallow  salt  lakes  of  Avernus  and  Lucrinus  are  particularly 
adapted  to  the  cultivation  of  shellfish."1 
s.  Agonistic  Other  cities  chose  to  advertise  themselves  by  putting  upon 

their  coins  the  suggestion  of  various  agonistic  victories  which  had 
fallen  to  their  lot.  This  type  of  symbol  is  commonly  called  agonistic 
and  it  is  employed  for  the  glorification,  not  only  of  cities,  but  of 
individual  rulers.  Coins  of  Rhegium  have  a  mule  car  driven  by 
a  bearded  charioteer  (ibid.,  p.  108)  which  on  the  authority  of 
Aristotle  (ap.  J.  Pollux,  V,  75)  connects  the  coin  with  the  Olympic 
victory  won  by  Anaxilas  of  Rhegium.  The  victorious  quadriga  on 
the  coins  of  Agrigentum  (Head,  H.N.,  pp.  121  f.)  is  certainly 
indicative  of  victory  in  the  games  and  may  have  been  adopted  in 
honor  of  Exainetos  of  Agrigentum  who,  having  won  a  victory  in 
the  Olympic  games  in  412  B.C.,  was  brought  into  his  native  city 
escorted  by  300  bigae  drawn  by  white  horses  (Diod.  xiii.  82).  The 
chariot  and  Nike  on  Syracusan  coins  (Head,  H.N.,  pp.  171  f.) 
must  refer  to  the  agonistic  victories  of  Syracuse,  whether  or  not 
it  can  be  proved  that  they  definitely  commemorate  any  particular 
victory  of  Gelon  or  Hieron. 

'  Even  at  the  present  day  the  oysters  from  this  region  are  prized  throughout 
Italy. 


VARIOUS  CLASSES  OF  SYMBOLS  o 

This  agonistic  type  is,  for  the  most  part,  confined  to  coins  and 
is  particularly  frequent  on  those  of  Sicily.  I  suggest,  however, 
that  the  athletic  subjects  on  pan-Athenaic  amphorae  may  be  a 
further  example  of  this  type  of  symbol,  and  the  fighting  cocks  on 
the  arm  of  the  throne  of  the  priest  of  Dionysos  in  the  great  theater 
at  Athens  must  also  be  classed  here,  since  the  cocks  are  symbolic 
of  the  contests  over  which  the  priest's  god  was  supposed  to  preside. 

Two  forms  of  personification  occur  in  Greek  art.     In  the  first  °-  Personifica- 
an  actual  and  concrete  object,  such  as  a  river  or  spring,  is  given      ./"concrete 
animal  or  human  form  since  its  own  nature  cannot  be  represented         objects 
literally  on  vase  or  coin  or  statue  in  the  round.     This  type  belongs 
to  the  first  main  group  of  symbols.     The  second  type  of  personifica- 
tion is  composed  of  pure  abstractions,  such  as  Victory,  Madness, 
or  Love,  which  must  be  reduced  to  some  tangible  form  in  order  to 
receive  artistic  representation.     This  type  belongs  to  the  second 
main  group  of  symbols. 

As  an  example  of  the  first  type,  the  river  Gelas  is  represented 
as  a  man-headed  bull  on  the  coins  of  Gela  {ibid.,  p.  140,  Fig.  73), 
in  connection  with  which  it  is  interesting  to  note  the  literary  evidence 
for  a  statue  of  the  river  Gelas  as  a  bull  {Schol.  Pind.  Pyth.,  I,  185). 
On  the  coins  of  Catana  (Head,  H.N.,  p.  130,  Fig.  69)  the  embodi- 
ment of  the  river  as  a  man-headed  bull  is  made  more  obvious  by 
the  accessory  fish  and  water-bird.  But  all  personifications  of 
nature  are  not  rendered  by  animal  forms.  There  are  human  figures 
such  as  the  nymph  Arethusa  on  coins  of  Syracuse  (Hill,  Coins  of 
Sicily,  Nos.  1-3,  frontispiece)  representing  the  fountain  of  that 
name,  or  the  nude  male  figure  of  the  river  Alpheus  in  the  pediment 
of  the  Zeus  temple  at  Olympia  (Oly mpia  Pub. ,111,  Pis.  XVIII-XXI), 
or  the  Ilissus  and  Cephisus  on  the  pediments  of  the  Parthenon. 

The  symbols  in  the  second  main  group  are  more  subjective  and  Group  11 
sophisticated,  since  they  endeavor  to  represent,  not  a  fact  nor  an  ' '  fi0n0nifica" 
object,  but  either  an  idea  in  itself  complicated  and  abstract,  or  an      b)  Pure 
emotion.     That   type   of   personification   which   deals   with   pure         uons 
abstractions  belongs  to  this  main  group.     Of  these  pure  abstractions 
possibly  the  most  familiar  are  the  Nike  by  Paeonios  (B.B.,  Pis. 
444,  445)  and  the  Victory  of  Samothrace  (ibid.,  PI.  85).     Sleep 
and  Death   tending  the  body  of   Sarpedon   (Klein,   Euphronios, 


io  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

p.  272)  are  familiar  to  all  lovers  of  Greek  vases.  The  innumerable 
representations  of  Eros  in  all  the  fields  of  art  testify  to  the  popularity 
of  this  personification.  On  a  vase  in  Munich  appears  the  figure  of 
Oistros  or  Madness  (F.R.,  II,  PI.  90)  riding  in  the  snake-chariot 
of  Medea,  while  the  sorceress  slays  her  hapless  son.  The  kindred 
figure  of  Mania  is  seen  at  a  window  in  the  background  on  a  late 
Italian  vase  by  Assteas  which  shows  the  madness  of  Heracles 
{Man.  d.  Inst.,  VIII,  PL  X  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I,  168). 1  On  the  group 
of  vases  associated  with  the  name  of  Meidias  there  are  many 
figures  such  as  Peitho,  Paidia,  Eudaimonia,  Eunomia,  Himeros, 
Pothos,  Eris,  Eros  and  others  (Nicole,  Meidias  et  le  style  fleuri 
dans  la  ceramique  attique).  Dike  and  Adikia  appear  on  a  vase  in 
Vienna  attributed  to  Pamphaios  (Memorie,  II,  PL  4  =  Reinach, 
Vases,  I,  353).  It  is  difficult  to  determine  how  far  these  personifica- 
tions are  due  to  the  artists  and  to  the  exigencies  of  their  means  of 
pictorial  expression,  and  how  far  they  are  merely  the  artist's 
inheritance  from  poetry  and  from  the  anthropomorphising  tendency 
for  which  the  Greek  mind  is  so  notorious.  Clearly  we  cannot  ascribe 
to  the  artists  such  personifications  as  Sleep  and  Death,  Victory, 
Iris,  Eros,  Charon,  and  other  similar  poetically  well-authenticated 
figures  (though,  of  course,  the  artists  are  largely  responsible  for 
their  eventual  look  and  appearance).  But  there  is  much  justifica- 
tion for  holding  that  the  dramatists  and  the  artists  between  them 
are  responsible  for  giving  a  concrete  and  physical  embodiment  to 
many  literary  metaphors  in  which  such  abstractions  as  Madness, 
Longing,  Delight,  and  so  on,  were  spoken  of  as  persons.  It  should 
be  noted  in  this  connection  that  the  linguistic  accident  of  gender 
for  all  nouns  is  always  a  powerful  incentive  toward  personification 
just  because  all  masculine  nouns  have  to  be  spoken  of  as  "he" 
and  all  feminine  as  "she." 
o  Allegory  After  the  climax  of  Greek  art,  in  the  period  of  decadence,  a 

further  development  of  personification  arose,  which  might  be  termed 
allegory.  This  might  be  cited  as  a  separate  genus  of  symbols  were 
not  the  line  of  demarcation  between  the  two  too  hazy  and  uncertain 
to  permit  of  making  a  distinct  group.     The  distinction  between 

1  It  seems  possible  that  such  figures  as  these  may  be  borrowed  from  the  drama; 
for  instance,  Thanatos  appears  as  an  actor  on  the  stage  in  the  Alcestis  of  Euripides. 


VARIOUS  CLASSES  OF  SYMBOLS  n 

allegory  and  symbolism  is,  after  all,  largely  arbitrary.  I  should 
like  to  suggest  the  following  definition  as  practical  and  useful: 
a  symbol  is  always  an  accessory  needed  to  complete  our  under- 
standing of  the  main  object  which  is  concretely  represented ;  while 
an  allegory  is  a  grouping  of  symbols  such  that  the  true  meaning 
is  not  represented  at  all,  but  must  be  inferred  from  the  collocation 
of  symbols.  In  allegory,  therefore,  the  symbolism  is  no  longer 
concerned  with  a  simple  figure,  but  manifests  itself  in  a  multiplicity 
of  accessory  ideas  likewise  expressed  by  symbols.  In  the  frieze  of  the 
great  altar  of  Zeus  at  Pergamon  we  see  elaboration  of  detail  which 
would  be  foreign  to  art  of  the  fifth  century,  in  the  Tyche  of  Antioch 
(B.B.,  PI.  154)  and  Father  Nile  (ibid.,  PL  196)  we  find  a  more 
complex  symbolism  than  is  in  accord  with  the  simpler  ideals  of  the 
best  period.  The  central  theme  of  the  Tyche  is  the  personification 
of  the  genius  of  the  city,  but  accessories  combine  to  give  a  sophisti- 
cated picture  of  the  location  of  the  city:  thus  the  turreted  crown 
suggests  the  battlements  of  the  wall,  a  boy  beneath  the  feet  of 
Tyche  suggests  the  river  Orontes,  even  the  turn  of  the  body  hints 
that  "the  city  was  set  upon  the  slope  of  a  hill,  bending  forward 
upon  itself  in  the  turn  of  a  valley"  (Gardner,  Handbook,  p.  486). 
Similarly,  personification  is  the  dominant  symbolism  in  the  statue 
of  Father  Nile;  but  the  artist  was  not  content  with  a  simple 
representation  of  the  subject,  but,  to  make  unmistakable  the 
aquatic  character,  added  waves  on  the  base.  The  sphinx,  croco- 
diles, and  reeds  make  certain  the  localization  in  Egypt,  while  the 
cornucopia  suggests  the  fertility  resulting  from  the  yearly  overflow; 
the  sixteen  little  figures,  certainly  symbolic,  have  been  interpreted 
as  the  number  of  cubits  of  the  maximum  inundation  of  the  Nile. 

Another  and  quite  distinct  group  of  symbols  developed  out  of  7.  Analogy 
this  same  difficulty  of  giving  artistic  form  to  abstract  ideas.  Here 
the  solution  of  the  problem  was  the  representation,  not  of  the 
abstract  idea  personified,  but  of  some  concrete  object  closely  allied 
in  significance;  for  instance,  the  idea  of  fertility  cannot  be  literally 
expressed,  but  the  phallic  sign  commonly  served  to  suggest  it. 
Accordingly,  symbols  by  analogy  are  those  which  substitute  a 
simple  and  concrete  object  for  a  kindred  abstract  or  complicated 
idea.     Thus  a  pig  could  indicate  purification  since  that  animal  was 


12  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

sacrificed  in  cathartic  ceremonials.1  But  this  would  be  an  instance 
of  artistic  symbolism  only  in  so  far  as  the  artist  desired  to  express 
this  idea  of  purification  and  was  unable  to  picture  it  fully.  The 
pig  would  accordingly  become  a  sort  of  attributive  symbol,  identify- 
ing the  character  of  the  scene  in  the  same  way  as  a  trident  might 
identify  a  person  as  Poseidon.  So,  on  a  vase  illustrative  of  the 
myth  of  Orestes  (Mon.  d.  Inst.,  IV,  PI.  XLVIII  =  Reinach,  Vases, 
I,  132)  purification  from  blood-guilt  is  indicated  by  the  pig  which 
Apollo  holds  over  the  head  of  the  matricide.2  But  in  addition  to 
identifying  the  scene,  such  a  symbol  may  have  been  intended  to 
suggest  the  whole  Stimmung  so  that  its  artistic  value  would  be  much 
more  than  a  mere  badge  or  label.  So,  the  pomegranate  or  apple 
may  be  a  mere  attributive  symbol  of  Persephone,  or  Aphrodite, 
or  Hera,  and  yet  at  the  same  time  be  a  symbol  of  fertility  calling 
up  a  much  more  abstract  notion  by  analogy.  Whether  connected 
with  Hera,  Aphrodite,  or  Persephone,  the  pomegranate  or  apple 
seems  to  be  indicative  of  fertility  (cf.  Hehn,  Kulturpflanzen,  pp. 
237  f.).  On  a  vase  in  Arezzo  (F.R.,  II,  PI.  67)  the  marriage  of 
Pelops  and  Hippodameia  is  symbolized  in  the  mating  of  the  birds 
in  the  tree. 

It  seems  possible  that  the  Greeks  also  made  use  of  color  with  a 
symbolic  connotation.  We  know  from  literary  references  that 
colors  did  have  some  significance;  for  example,  Apollo  changed 
from  white  to  black  the  unlucky  raven  which  bore  to  him  the 
message  of  the  faithlessness  of  Koronis;  the  ship  of  Theseus  which 
returned  from  the  expedition  against  the  Minotaur  was  to  carry 
white  or  black  sails  according  to  the  success  or  failure  of  the  enter- 
prise. It  has  long  been  recognized  that  the  use  of  color  on  early 
Greek  sculpture  is  not  realistic  but  decorative,  and  it  may  have  had 
a  symbolic  significance,  the  key  of  which  is  lost  to  us.  Color 
symbolism  has  been  used  in  the  art  of  other  peoples,  such  as  the 
Mayas,  North  American  Indians,  and  Chinese  (Haddon,  Evolution 
in  Art,  p.  124),  as  well  as  in  Christian  art.  In  Mesopotamia  the 
seven  stages  of  a  ziggurat  were  each  painted  a  different  color, 

1  Aeschylus,  Eumenides  282  f.,  iroTalvtov  yap  6v  irpos  karla  deov,  <t>oi/3ou  KaOapp.ois 
rjXadr)  xoiPokt6i>ois. 

3  For  further  discussion  of  the  connection  of  pig  with  purification,  compare  Harri- 
son, Prolegomena,  pp.  152  f. 


VARIOUS  CLASSES  OF  SYMBOLS  13 

"the  colors  being  emblematic  of  the  seven  planets"  (Handcock, 
Mesopotamian  Archaeology,  p.  273). 

An  apparently  subtle,  but  really  very  simple,  type  of  symbolism  8.  Physical 
consists  in  the  assumption  of  physical  terms  for  ideas  which  are  iJJUfJJ' 
actually  in  the  realm  of  spiritual  affairs.  Primitive  man  in  his  ideas 
uncertainty  as  to  future  life  invested  the  dead  with  supernatural 
power  and  depicted  this  superiority  by  physical  magnitude.  As 
evidence  of  this  I  may  cite  grave-reliefs  where  the  heroized  dead 
seated  on  thrones  receive  the  homage  of  diminutive  survivors,  as 
on  the  Spartan  Relief  (B.B.,  PI.  227)  and  the  Harpy  Monument 
{ibid.,  Pis.  146,  147).  On  the  same  principle,  deities  were 
represented  as  of  more  than  mortal  stature,  to  correspond  to  their 
superhuman  power  and  strength.  Behind  this  lies  the  concept 
that  colossal  size  is  to  human  size  as  divine  power  is  to  mortal 
power.  Probably  the  same  idea  determines  relative  size  of  deities 
and  mortals  on  friezes  like  that  of  the  Parthenon  {Parth.  Pub., 
Pis.  7,7,  and  34)  and  the  sculptured  architrave  at  Assos  (B.B.,  Pis. 
411  and  412)  where  the  gods,  being  seated,  are  made  relatively 
larger,  while  the  law  of  isocephalism  is  still  observed.  Possibly 
this  same  idea  was  a  factor  in  determining  the  proportions  of  the 
gods  in  the  pediments  of  the  Aphaea  temple  at  Aegina  {ibid.,  Pis. 
23-25,  26-28),  of  the  Zeus  temple  at  Olympia  {Olymp.  Pub.,  Ill, 
Pis.  XVIII-XXI),  and  of  the  Parthenon  {Parth.  Pub.,  Pis.  1  f.  and 
text,  Figs.  9  and  27).  The  relation  of  gods  to  mortals  is  very 
artistically  adjusted  to  the  mechanical  restrictions  of  the  shape 
of  the  field  by  placing  the  gods  in  the  middle  of  the  pediment 
where  colossal  size  and  central  position  combine  to  make  the  gods 
the  focus  of  attention. 

The  fact  that  ancient  literature  mentions  the  colossal  size  of  so 
li.any  statues  of  gods,  whether  cult-images  or  not,  gives  further 
proof  that  physical  mass  and  size  were  used  to  indicate  spiritual 
force  and  power.  Only  a  few  of  these  many  colossal  statues  need 
be  cited:  a  colossal  wooden  image  by  Endoios  at  Erythrae  (Paus. 
vii.  5,  9);  the  colossal  Heracles  by  Onatas  of  Aegina  {ibid.,  v. 
25,  12);  three  colossal  figures  by  Myron  (Strabo  xiv.  637);  the 
Athena  Parthenos  of  Phidias  (Plin.  N.H.  xxxvi.  18);  Zeus  at  Elis 
(Strabo  viii.  353);  Hera  at  Argos  (Paus.  ii.  17,  4);   the  Colossus  at 


14 


TEE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 


g.  Cause  for 
effect 


10.  Effect  for 
cause 


Group  III 

ii.  Apotropaic 


Rhodes  (Plin.  N.H.  xxxiv.  41);  Hera  by  Praxiteles  (Paus.  ix. 
2,  7);  Valour  and  Hellas  by  Euphranor  (Plin.  N.H.  xxxiv.  77); 
Zeus  of  Tarentum  by  Lysippos  {ibid.,  xxxiv.  40);  and  the  bronze 
Heracles  by  Lysippos  (Strabo  vi.  278). 

Two  groups  of  symbols,  in  direct  antithesis  each  to  the  other, 
are  ingenious  and  yet  in  keeping  with  the  trend  of  primitive  thought. 
These  two  groups  in  which  the  symbols  may  indicate  sensations 
and  emotions  are  not  so  frequent  as  the  previously  mentioned 
types.  The  first  of  these  groups  comprises  symbols  which  represent 
the  cause  instead  of  the  effect;  in  the  second  the  symbol  represents 
the  effect  instead  of  the  cause. 

Under  the  first  group  come  representations  of  an  object  which 
could  be  the  cause  of  a  sensation  or  emotion:  to  suggest  fear,  a 
bear  is  represented  on  terra-cotta  lamps  in  Athens  {Ath.  Mitth., 
XXVII  [1902],  p.  258);  on  the  interior  of  the  Sosias  cylix  (F.R., 
III,  PI.  123),  the  arrow  at  the  left  is  a  symbol  of  the  pain  from  the 
wound  that  is  being  bound  up  by  the  faithful  friend.  One  would 
expect  this  to  be  very  common,  but  I  have  been  unable  to  find  many 
instances  of  this  type  of  symbol. 

Under  the  second  group  we  might  put  the  Nereid  figures  (B.B., 
Pis.  211-13)  whose  drapery  connotes  by  suggestion  the  blowing  of 
the  wind  or  the  driving  of  the  sea — ideas  which  could  not  be 
represented  sculpturally.  The  strong  S-shaped  sweep  of  the 
drapery  of  Iris  on  the  Parthenon  pediment  {Parth.  Pub.,  PI.  3) 
suggests  that  swiftness  of  movement  which  alone  could  create  such 
curves.  The  idea  of  speed  and  celerity  of  motion  is  proverbially 
well  expressed  by  the  drapery  of  the  Nike  of  Samothrace  (B.B., 
PI.  85)  so  that  this  statue  must  be  included  in  the  group  of  symbols 
which  represent  the  effect  instead  of  the  cause.  By  a  similar  use 
of  the  reaction  to  suggest  the  stimulus,  gestures  may  indicate 
various  emotions;  for  example,  on  the  front  of  the  Boston  Counter- 
part to  the  Ludovisi  Throne  the  gestures  of  one  figure  indicate 
joy,  while  the  gestures  of  the  companion  figure  denote  sorrow 
{Handbook  of  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  p.  80). 

The  third  and  last  main  group  of  symbols  gives  expression  to 
ideas  of  magic.  The  class  called  apotropaic  will  include  the  pro- 
phylactic eye  which,  whether  on  Ionic  "  Eye-cylices  "  or  on  shields, 


VARIOUS  CLASSES  OF  SYMBOLS  15 

serves  as  a  magic  sign  to  ward  off  evil  spells.  In  all  probability 
the  Gorgoneion,  especially  on  armor,  served  a  similar  purpose, 
and  it  is  possible  that  both  the  prophylactic  eye  and  the  Gorgoneion 
may  have  had  their  origin  in  primitive  magic  masks  used  in  ritual 
ceremonies  to  ward  off  evil  spirits.1 

The  snakes  which  appear  so  frequently  on  early  Greek  stelae 
belong  to  a  second  class  of  magical  symbols  which  we  may  term 
necrological.  It  seems  probable  that  the  presence  of  the  snake  l2-  Nosological 
suggests  superhuman  power  on  the  part  of  the  dead,  whether 
that  power  consists  merely  of  immortality  or  of  the  actual  ability 
to  work  weal  or  woe  to  the  survivors  (cf.  Harrison,  Themis,  p.  271). 

Among  magical  symbols  we  must  also  include  astronomical  13-  Astronomical 
symbols.  Among  the  Greeks,  as  among  other  peoples  of  the  ancient 
world,  there  was  a  belief  that  some  connection  existed  between  the 
heavenly  bodies  and  mankind.  This  connection  was  supposed 
to  be  particularly  close  in  the  case  of  the  planets  and  the  signs  of 
the  zodiac.  Euripides,  in  a  fragment,  mentions  Hippo,  the  daughter 
of  Chiron,  foretelling  the  future  from  the  stars.  The  astronomical 
symbols  most  frequently  occur  on  Greek  coins  and  when  so  used 
are  supposed  to  indicate  critical  periods  or  festival  seasons.  On 
coins  of  Sinope  a  dolphin  and  an  eagle  appear,  and  here  the  dolphin 
has  been  interpreted  as  the  constellation  adjacent  to  Aquila 
(Thompson,  Glossary  of  Greek  Birds,  p.  4);  on  coins  of  Mende  a 
crow  and  an  ass  are  found,  and  Thompson  connects  this  with  "the 
constellation  Corvus  which  sets  shortly  after  Cancer  with  which 
the  ass  is  associated"  (Thompson,  op.  cit.,  p.  91);  the  coins  of 
Agrigentum  with  eagle  and  hare  on  the  obverse  and  eagle  and  serpent 
as  accessories  on  the  reverse  are  supposed  to  have  similar  reference 
to  the  respective  constellations  (Thompson,  op.  cit.,  p.  8).  On  a 
cameo  in  St.  Petersburg  we  find  Taurus  and  the  Pleiades  grouped 
together  (Harrison,  Themis,  pp.  205-6,  Fig.  53).  It  is  not  within 
the  scope  of  this  thesis  to  do  more  than  call  attention  to  the  existence 
of  this  group  of  magical  symbols  in  Greek  art,  since  for  the  most 
part  they  are  not  artistic  symbols  but  mere  pictures  of  objects  in  a 
symbolic  context  (cf.  p.  3). 

1  Cf.  Roscher,  Lexikon,  under  "Phobos"  for  the  theory  of  an  early  personification 
of  fear,  and  its  relation  to  the  Gorgoneion. 


CHAPTER  III 
THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM 


In  the  preceding  chapter  we  have  taken  cognizance  of  the 
various  classes  of  symbols;  we  must  now  carry  the  investigation 
further  in  order  to  discover  the  uses  to  which  these  symbols  were 
put  and  the  purpose  which  they  served.1 

i.  identification  One  of  the  most  frequent  and  important  functions  of  symbolism 

is  identification.  This  is  to  be  found  employed  in  connection  with 
(i)  gods,  (2)  heroes,  (3)  various  occupations  of  daily  life,  and  (4) 
indications  of  time  and  place  of  action. 

1.  of  deities  The  symbols  which  serve  to  identify  deities  are  the  most  easily 

recognized  and  the  most  frequent  in  occurrence.  As  we  stated 
above  (p.  5),  there  were  practically  only  two  anthropomorphic 
types  available  for  the  primitive  Greek  artist — the  nude  male  and 
the  draped  female.  The  artist  was  therefore  compelled  to  resort 
to  symbolism  in  order  to  differentiate  his  divine  figures.  That 
attributes  do  actually  serve  to  identify  the  gods  may  be  readily 
proved  by  the  consideration  of  one  or  two  instances.  The  bronze 
figurines  of  Zeus  found  at  Olympia  (Olymp.  Pub.,  IV,  PI.  VIII,  44, 
and  VII,  45)  are  merely  variants  on  the  ordinary  nude  male  type, 
common  throughout  Greek  art  of  the  sixth  and  fifth  centuries. 
That  these  statuettes  represent  the  Father  of  Gods  and  Men  is 
indicated,  not  by  supernatural  beauty  of  form  or  visage,  nor  by 
supernal  dignity,  but  by  the  presence  of  the  thunderbolt  which 
once  and  for  all  settles  the  question  of  identity.  At  a  much  more 
advanced  period  of  art,  the  Pergamene  frieze  (B.B.,  PI.  483)  shows 
Zeus  identified  by  the  same  symbol.  True,  art  by  this  period  had 
established  an  artistic  conception  for  the  representation  of  Zeus 
(Gardner,  Principles,  p.  92),  yet  religious  conservatism  often  caused 
the  retention  of  symbols  when  artistic  procedure  had  outgrown  the 

1  The  material  of  this  chapter  will  be  largely  a  repetition  or  re-citation  of  the 
evidence  used  in  the  previous  chapter,  but  in  a  different  context.  The  investigation 
was  concerned  in  chap,  ii  with  type  or  kind,  in  the  present  chapter  with  function. 

16 


THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  17 

need  of  them.  Other  deities  are  distinguished  in  the  same  manner. 
On  the  Kertch  vase  with  the  contest  of  Athena  and  Poseidon 
(C.R.,  Alias  [1872],  PI.  I  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I,  37)  the  two  deities  are 
recognizable  by  their  attributes:  Athena  by  shield,  spear,  aegis, 
snake,  and  olive  tree;1  Poseidon  by  trident,  fish,  and  horse.  On 
various  cyclices  showing  the  judgment  of  Paris  (Gardner,  Prin- 
ciples, chap.  XVIII,  pp.  296  f.),  the  three  contesting  goddesses  are 
distinguished  by  their  attributes,  and  without  such  characteristic 
features  it  would  be  impossible  to  tell  Aphrodite  from  Hera  or 
Athena. 

Sometimes  a  deity  might  be  identified  by  attributes  character- 
istic of  one  function  and  sometimes  by  those  of  another.  Thus, 
Artemis  may  be  depicted  in  any  one  of  three  aspects:  as  irbrvio. 
drjpuv  she  is  accompanied  by  a  stag  or  other  wild  animal;  as  a 
chthonian  goddess  she  carries  a  torch;  and  at  Ephesus  as  a  goddess 
of  fertility  she  is  shown  with  many  breasts.  Similarly,  the  varied 
activities  of  Zeus  are  indicated  by  varying  attributes:  on  the  coins 
of  Elis  the  sky-god  is  identified  by  thunderbolt  and  eagle;  but  on 
the  coins  of  Epirus  the  wreath  of  oak  leaves  indicates  his  mantic 
nature  at  Dodona;  while  the  addition  of  the  eagle  on  one  side 
and  Cerberus  on  the  other,  on  a  statuette  in  the  British  Museum 
(Farnell,  Cults  of  the  Greek  States,  I,  p.  105),  marks  the  figure  as  Zeus 
Hades.  The  three  attributes  of  Apollo  are  familiar  to  all — the  bow 
and  arrows,  the  lyre,  and  the  tripod,  but  each  serves  to  indicate  a 
quite  distinct  function  of  the  god.  The  bow  and  arrow  mark  him 
as  the  "Far-Darter,"  the  lyre  indicates  the  patron  of  music,  and 
the  tripod  is  the  distinguishing  mark  of  the  god  of  prophecy. 
These  functional  attributes  would  in  themselves  make  an  inter- 
esting study  for  determining  the  origin  and  growth  of  the  Greek 
pantheon.2 

The  demigods  and  heroes  of  Grecian  mythology  furnish  further  2.  of  demigods 
evidence  of  the  use  of  symbols  for  identification,  since  various 

1  Another  use  of  symbolism  is  also  present  in  the  olive  tree,  namely,  as  a  method 
of  narration ;  cf .  the  discussion  of  the  metope  of  Selinus,  p.  34. 

3  The  origin  of  the  divine  attributes  involves  ethnological  and  psychological 
questions,  so  that  probably  the  explanation  of  some  of  them  will  never  be  complete: 
to  mention  only  one  instance,  the  double  axe  of  Zeus  Labrandeus  is  a  mystery  still 
unsolved. 


and  heroes 


18  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

attributes  and  accessory  objects  serve  to  distinguish  these  lesser 
orders  of  beings.  The  best  known  in  this  group  is  Heracles.  On 
the  Antaeus  crater  of  Euphronios  (F.R.,  II,  Pis.  92-93  =  Reinach, 
Vases,  I,  242)  is  the  representation  of  two  nude  figures  in  a  violent 
struggle.  So  far  as  the  two  combatants  are  concerned,  it  would  be 
impossible  to  identify  either;  but  on  one  side  the  lion  skin  and 
club,  laid  aside  for  the  moment,  prove  conclusively  that  the  scene 
depicted  is  some  contest  in  the  life  of  Heracles.  Since  there  was 
no  specific  characteristic  peculiar  to  Antaeus,  the  artist  makes  his 
identity  known  by  inscription.  There  are  almost  countless  instances 
of  this  use  of  attributes  in  connection  with  other  Greek  heroes. 
Argos  is  distinguished  from  ordinary  men  by  the  presence  of  eyes 
scattered  over  his  body.  (For  a  list  of  vases  connected  with  this 
myth,  cf.  Englemann,  "Die  Io-Sage,"  Jahrbuch  [1903],  pp.  37  f.) 
In  the  various  representations  of  Medea  the  sorceress  is  recognized 
by  her  foreign  type  of  dress  and  Phrygian  cap  (F.R.,  I,  PL  9). 
In  similar  fashion  the  Dioscuri  are  recognizable  by  the  presence  of 
stars,  piloi,  oil  cruses,  and  strigils  (Huddilston,  Greek  Tragedy, 
p.  149). 

This  method  served  not  only  to  distinguish  gods  and  heroes, 
but  to  mark  the  occupations  of  everyday  life  by  some  characteristic 
feature.  Thus,  athletes  were  indicated  by  various  objects  used  in 
public  games  or  in  the  palaestra:  the  discobolos  is  known  by  his 
discus  (cf.  the  early  Attic  Relief  [B.B.,  PI.  457,  b],  the  famous 
Myronian  statue  [ibid.,  PI.  256],  and  the  so-called  "standing 
discobolus"  [ibid.,  PI.  131]);  the  apoxyomenos  ascribed  to Lysippos 
is  known  as  an  athlete  by  the  strigil  {ibid.,  PI.  281) ;  the  girl  runner 
(Von  Mach,  Handbook  of  Greek  and  Roman  Sculpture,  PI.  73)  is  de- 
noted as  such  by  the  shortness  of  her  garment  and  by  the  laurel 
branch  upon  the  stump.  In  this  figure,  as  in  the  discolobos  of 
Myron,  the  pose  also  helps  in  identification.  In  the  latter  statue  the 
peculiar  position  of  the  arms  and  legs  is  not  the  normal  one  of  a 
body  at  rest  but  a  distinctive  feature  of  the  particular  sport  of 
discus-hurling.  On  many  palaestra  scenes  on  vases,  the  various 
games  and  contests  are  indicated  by  objects  in  the  hands  of  the 
athletes  or  in  the  foreground  or  background,  such  as  sponges, 
strigils,  or  double  picks.     Similarly,  the  housewife  was  known  by 


tions 


THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  19 

her  basket  of  wool  (cf.  stele  of  Mynno,  Gardner,  Tombs  of  Hellas, 
p.  157,  Fig.  62),  and  in  later  times  a  literary  man  was  identified  by 
his  scroll  (cf.  the  so-called  " Demosthenes,"  B.B.,  PI.  429).  A 
priestess  could  be  recognized  by  the  key  which  was  the  badge  of 
her  office  (for  vase  paintings  illustrative  of  this  point  cf .  Huddilston, 
Greek  Tragedy,  pp.  57,  84,  etc.;  and  J.  C.  Hoppin,  "Argos,  Io  and 
the  Prometheus  of  Aeschylus,"  Harvard  Studies,  XII,  337,  note  1). 

Indication  of  race  is  likewise  possible  by  means  of  attributes;  4.  otrace 
accordingly,  foreigners  were  marked  in  art  by  certain  peculiarities 
of  dress  and  equipment.  Thus  the  Amazons  on  many  vases  are 
easily  recognized  by  the  long  close-fitting  spotted  or  striped  gar- 
ments and  Phrygian  headdress,  as  well  as  by  the  bow  with  the 
double  curve,  the  crescent-shaped  shield  and  the  battle  ax  (F.R.,  II, 
PI.  81).  The  Scythians  and  Persians  are  distinguished  from  the 
nude  Greeks  by  similar  long  close  garments  and  Phrygian  caps 
(for  example,  Mon.  d.  Inst.,  VI- VII,  PL  LXVI  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I, 
158;  Arch.  Zeit.  [1880],  PL  i5  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I,  428;  Mon.  d. 
Inst.,  I,  PL  L  [B]  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I,  81). 

To  some  scenes  the  Greeks  desired  to  lend  vividness  by  adding  5.  of  time 
concrete  features  of  time  and  place,  and  since  the  indication  of 
time  is  not  at  all  within  the  range  of  art  and  the  indication  of  place 
is  only  possible  to  an  art  with  perspective,  these  concepts  of  time 
and  place  had  to  be  translated  through  the  medium  of  symbols. 
The  best-known  suggestion  of  time  is  the  representation  of  Helios 
and  Selene  on  the  east  pediment  of  the  Parthenon  (Parth.  Pub., 
Pis.  1  and  6),  though  many  similiar  indications  may  be  found  on 
vases  (cf.  F.R.,  III,  PL  126). 

Sometimes  the  localization  of  scenes  is  indicated  by  the  presence  6.  of  place 
of  characteristic  features  of  landscape  or  by  other  details.  Thus 
Egypt  is  denoted  by  reeds  and  a  panther  (or  cat)  with  a  bird  in 
its  mouth  (C.R.,  Atlas  [1862],  PL  IV,  2=Reinach,  Vases,  I,  12), 
and  in  the  statue  of  the  Nile  (B.B.,  PL  196)  the  location  in  Egypt 
is  made  certain  by  the  presence  of  the  crocodile,  ichneumon, 
sphinx,  and  bundle  of  reeds.  Delphi  is  denoted  by  the  omphalos 
and  tripod  sacred  to  the  oracle  of  Apollo  at  that  shrine  (C.R., 
Atlas  [1861]  PL  IV  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I,  8).  The  coins  of  Catana 
in  Sicily  (Head,  H.N.,  p.  131)  are  given  a  local  touch  by  the  appear- 


20 


THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 


7.  Of  mint 


8.  Of  monetary 
value 


ance  of  the  large  beetle  peculiar  to  Mt.  Aetna.  Perhaps  the  tiny 
representation  of  a  temple  facade  on  the  Kertch  vase  of  the  contest 
of  Athena  and  Poseidon  (C.R.,  Atlas  [1872],  PI.  I  =  Reinach,  Vases, 
I,  37)  may  represent  the  Parthenon  and  thus  localize  the  scene  as 
occurring  on  the  Acropolis  of  Athens.  In  a  vase  from  Ruvo 
showing  Orestes  in  Tauris  {Mon.  d.  Inst.,  II,  PL  XLIII  =  Reinach, 
Vases,  I,  105)  the  temple  and  altar  indicate  a  sacred  precinct  and 
the  figure  of  Artemis  above  suggests  that  this  is  her  precinct. 

Many  of  the  symbols  which  have  been  noted  as  appearing  on 
coins  were  stamped  there  for  the  express  purpose  of  identifying 
the  issuing  authority.  This  applies  particularly  to  the  canting, 
commercial,  and  agonistic  types.  Identification  of  mintage  is 
the  intent  and  purpose  of  the  seal  (<j>6inri)  at  Phocaea,  the  rose 
{pbbov)  at  Rhodes,  the  lion's  head  at  Leontini,  the  table  (rpairet a) 
at  Trapezus,  the  fox  (dXco7rr/^)  at  Alopeconnesus,  etc.  (for  lists  of 
canting  symbols  cf.  Hill,  Handbook,  pp.  176  f. ;  Macdonald,  Coin 
Types,  pp.  18  f.,  and  Head,  H.N.,  under  "canting"  in  Index  Rerum). 
Similarly,  the  wine  jar  of  Chios,  the  wine  cup  and  grapes  of  Naxos, 
the  silphium  of  Cyrene,  and  the  mussel  of  Cumae  indicating  the 
chief  industry  of  these  cities  came  to  have  the  significance  of  a 
trade-mark.  The  agonistic  types  on  the  coins  of  Sicily  and  else- 
where identify  the  various  cities  by  reference  to  athletic  victories 
which  had  brought  glory  and  fame.  Still  other  symbols  may  be 
found  on  coins  which  though  neither  canting,  commercial,  nor 
agonistic  quite  plainly  indicate  the  cities  which  used  these  symbols 
as  badges.  For  instance  the  owl  on  the  coins  of  Athens  (Head, 
H.N.,  pp.  366  f.)  was  in  reality  merely  an  attributive  symbol  of 
Athena,  the  patron  goddess  of  the  city;  but  the  owl  of  Athens 
became  well  established  as  the  monetary  sign  of  that  city  in  all 
parts  of  the  Greek  world  and  in  barbarian  trading  stations.1  So  the 
winged  horse  {ibid.,  pp.  398  f.),  connected  with  Bellerophon  and  the 
spring  of  Peirene,  served  to  identify  the  great  trading  city  of  Corinth. 

In  a  few  instances  the  symbol  on  a  coin  bore  a  definite  relation 
to  the  monetary  value.  Thus  Gardner  {Types  of  Greek  Coins, 
p.  66)  says, 

1  As  an  interesting  sidelight  on  this  point  compare  the  proverb,  yXavK  e£s  'Adrivas, 
At.  Av.  301,  and  Athenian  coins  as  yKavKes  Aaypiwri/cAi,  Ar.  Av.  1106. 


THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM 


21 


To  indicate 
landscape 


At  Athens  all  the  divisions  of  the  drachm  are  marked  by  varying  treat- 
ment of  the  invariable  types,  the  head  of  Pallas  and  the  owl.  On  the  tetrobol 
there  are  two  owls;   on  the  diobol  the  owl  has  only  one  head  but  two  bodies; 

on  the  triobol  one  owl  is  facing  the  spectators,  etc So  in  some  of  the 

Sicilian  cities  the  four-horse  chariot  appears  only  on  the  tetradrachms,  di- 
drachms  bear  a  rider  who  leads  a  second  horse,  drachms  a  single  horseman. 
Again  in  Thessaly  a  horseman  marks  the  diobol,  a  horse  the  obol.  At  Corinth 
the  diobol  bears  a  Pegasus  on  both  obverse  and  reverse,  the  trihemiobol  a 
Pegasus  on  the  obverse  and  a  Medusa  head  on  the  reverse.  At  a  number 
of  cities  on  the  coins  of  which  an  animal  is  used  for  the  type  of  the  drachm, 
the  forepart  of  that  animal  is  impressed  on  the  hemidrachm. 

The  second  important  use  of  symbols  is  as  a  sort  of  shorthand  n  System  of 

shorthand 

system,  whereby  certain  suggestive  details  serve  to  indicate  some 
comprehensive  concept  or  idea.  There  are  two  ways  in  which 
symbols  are  so  used:  first,  to  indicate  landscape,  and  second,  to 
suggest  a  myth  or  narrative. 

The  indication  of  landscape  is  by  no  means  so  rare  as  traditional 
ideas  would  lead  one  to  believe.  It  is  quite  true  that  the  Greek 
artist  of  the  best  period  had  little  interest  in  landscape  for  its  own 
sake;  trees,  mountains,  lakes,  and  seas  had  little  appeal  in  them- 
selves. Nor  did  the  lower  animals  have  great  vogue  as  artistic 
subjects,  though  we  know  that  such  sculptors  as  Kalamis  and 
Myron  made  animal  figures,  treated  realistically,  according  to 
tradition.  But  the  primary  interest  of  the  Greek  was  in  human 
beings,  anthropomorphic  deities,  and  their  activities;  and  therefore 
lanscape  served  principally  as  setting  or  background  for  the  drama 
depicted.1  As  a  natural  result  of  this  attitude  of  mind  as  well  as 
of  limitations  of  space  and  medium,  the  artists  of  the  best  period 
avoided  scenic  detail.  But  often  it  was  necessary  to  include 
sufficient  indication  of  place  to  make  clear  the  proper  identification 
of  a  given  scene.  When  such  was  the  case,  only  those  suggestive 
features  were  inserted  which  furnished  a  vital  clue  to  the  setting, 
and  others  were  ruthlessly  omitted.  On  the  Niobid  crater  in  the 
Louvre  (Mon.  d.  Inst.,  XI,  PI.  XL  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I,  227)  one 
tree  indicates  the  forest  of  Mt.  Sipylos.2     On  a  calpis  showing  the 

1  The  so-called  Erechtheion  pediment  in  the  Acropolis  Museum  has  some  sugges- 
tions of  landscape,  but  emphasis  was  not  laid  on  details  of  this  type  until  the  period 
of  the  Hellenistic  reliefs  (Dickens,  Catalogue  of  the  Acropolis  Museum,  pp.  12,  70). 

3  In  the  same  way,  in  Polygnotos'  representation  of  Hades,  a  single  tree  stood  for 
the  grove  of  Persephone  (Paus.  x.  30.  6). 


22  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

death  of  Argos  (J.  C.  Hoppin,  Haroard  Studies,  XII,  339)  a  few 
bushes  indicate  the  grove  of  Hera  at  Mycenae.  Similarly,  the 
sea  so  hard  to  indicate  is,  on  vase  or  coin,  denoted  in  shorthand  by 
a  dolphin  or  a  sea-serpent  or  a  Triton.  Notable  illustrations  on 
vases  are:  Apollo  with  his  lyre  sailing  over  the  sea,  indicated  only 
by  dolphins  and  an  octopus  (Mon.  d.  Inst.,  I,  PI.  XLVI  =  Reinach, 
Vases,  I,  79) ;  Heracles  sailing  in  the  bowl  of  the  sun  over  a  fish 
and  an  octopus  (Gerhard  109  =  Reinach,  Vases,  II,  59,  6);  and 
Dionysos  traveling  over  a  sea  which  is  denoted  by  six  dolphins 
(Exekias'  cylix,  Gerhard,  49  =  Reinach,  Vases,  II,  36,  1).  On 
many  Sicilian  coins  a  fish  in  the  field  indicates  the  aquatic  character 
of  the  chief  type,  for  instance,  the  dolphins  around  the  head  of 
Arethusa  on  coins  of  Syracuse  (cf.  Head,  H.N.,  under  Gela,  Catana, 
Syracuse,  etc.).  On  the  frieze  of  the  wedding  of  Poseidon  and 
Amphitrite  (Collignon,  Sculpture  Grecque,  II,  482,  Fig.  251)  fishy 
monsters  give  the  marine  setting  for  the  scene.  Gem-cutters 
use  the  same  method  of  shorthand  to  indicate  the  sea  in  the  myth 
of  Europa  (Furtwangler,  A.G.,  PL  VI,  63)  and  in  the  story  of 
Heracles  and  the  "Old  Man  of  the  Sea"  {ibid.,  PL  V,  30;  PL  V,  32). 
Land  is  denoted  by  vegetation:  on  the  Talos  vase  from  Ruvo 
(F.R.,  I,  Pis.  38,  39)  plants  represent  the  land  and  dolphins  the  sea; 
on  the  Phineos  vase  {Mon.  d.  Inst.,  X,  PL  VIII  =  Reinach,  Vases, 
I,  201)  fish  indicate  water,  and  trees  land.  Mention  has  already 
been  made  of  the  eagle  as  representative  of  air  under  the  feet  of 
the  Nike  of  Paeonios,  and  of  a  pillar  or  column  as  a  distinctive 
feature  of  architectural  structures  (p.  7).  Similarly  the  prow 
on  which  the  Nike  of  Samothrace  stands,  serves  as  a  sign  that  the 
victory  represented  was  a  naval  achievement.1 
2.  To  suggest  The  second  use  of  the  shorthand  symbol,  that  is  for  the  purpose 

of  suggesting  a  narrative,  is  a  peculiarly  Greek  convention.  The 
method  of  narration  in  art  practiced  by  the  Egyptians  in  their 
tombs  and  palaces  was  that  of  a  series  of  pictures  showing  successive 

1  Huddilston,  Greek  Tragedy,  pp.  45  f.,  gives  an  illustration  of  a  vase  painting  of 
Electra  at  the  stele  of  Agamemnon  (Reinach-Millingen,  Peintures,  PI.  14 — Huddilston, 
Fig.  1).  Near  Electra  stands  her  sister  or  attendant  and  Pylades.  Seated  in  the 
comer  is  a  youth  upon  whom  Huddilston  comments  as  follows,  "He  serves  to  round 
out  the  picture  and  indicates  at  the  same  time  the  attendants  of  Orestes."  Thus  he 
interprets  this  figure  as  an  instance  of  one  man  as  a  shorthand  representation  of  several 


a  narrative 


THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  23 

events.  The  same  method  was  used  by  the  Romans  in  portraying 
on  triumphal  arch  or  column  the  campaigns  and  victories  of  an 
emperor.  Similar  treatment  is  seen  in  pre-Raphaelite  paintings 
in  the  Middle  Ages.  The  stations  of  the  Holy  Cross  found  in 
cathedrals  today  illustrate  the  same  mode  of  narration  by  a  series 
of  pictures.  In  Greek  art  we  sometimes  find  on  one  vase  three 
events  from  the  same  cycle,  for  example,  the  three  scenes  from  the 
contest  over  the  arms  of  Achilles  (Mon.  d.  Inst.,  VIII,  PL  XLI  = 
Reinach,  Vases,  I,  174) ;  or  three  scenes  from  the  exploits  of  Theseus 
(Gerhard,  PI.  234  =  Reinach,  Vases,  II,  118).  But  in  addition  the 
Greeks  had  a  method  peculiar  to  their  own  genius,  whereby  in  one 
picture  are  included  significant  details  from  various  stages  in  the 
story,  thus  suggesting  the  entire  myth.  This,  of  course,  presupposes 
that  the  story  in  question  was  well  known.  Some  of  the  most 
interesting  examples  of  this  method  are  those  afforded  by  various 
vase  paintings  illustrating  the  contest  between  Peleus  and  Thetis. 
According  to  this  well-known  tale,  Thetis  during  the  violent 
struggle  changed  herself  from  human  shape  to  that  of  one  animal 
after  another,  assuming  in  turn  the  form  of  a  lion,  a  panther,  and 
a  snake.  But  the  vase-painter  shows  not  a  series  of  events,  in  one 
Peleus  wrestling  with  a  woman,  in  another  with  a  lion,  in  another 
with  a  snake,  but  one  painting  of  two  human  figures  interlocked 
in  deadly  conflict  while  Peleus  is  attacked  simultaneously  by  two 
panthers  or  by  a  lion  and  a  snake.1  An  equally  interesting  story 
similarly  told  in  shorthand  is  the  myth  of  Pegasus  and  Medusa, 
according  to  which  Pegasus  sprang  full  grown  from  the  headless 
corpse  of  Medusa  (Hesiod  Theog.  281  f.).  On  one  of  the  metopes 
from  temple  C  at  Selinus  (B.B.,  PI.  286,  B)  Perseus  is  just  ready 
to  kill  Medusa,  who,  however,  already  holds  in  her  lap  a  miniature 


men.  There  are  other  instances  which  may  be  of  this  type  but  they  are  open  to  other 
interpretations.  Unless  the  Greeks  did  use  this  method  of  representing  a  crowd, 
there  is  nothing  in  Greek  art  which  in  any  way  corresponds  to  the  Cretan  miniature 
fresco  from  Knossos  (J.H.S.,  XXI,  PI.  Y),  where  a  crowd  of  people  is  indicated.  This 
is  quite  apart  from  the  fact  that  in  the  latter  case  the  crowd  is  suggested  by  heads  in 
outline  without  bodies  attached  and  with  sex  differences  shown  by  the  use  of  outline 
on  red  ground  for  men  and  on  white  ground  for  women. 

1  A  long  list  of  vases  dealing  with,  this  myth  noting  the  animal  transformations, 
may  be  found  in  Botho  Graef's  article  on  "Peleus  and  Thetis,"  Jahrbuch  (18S6), 
pp.  192  f. 


24  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

Pegasus.  Similarly,  in  the  gable  of  the  temple  at  Corfu,  the  living 
Medusa  moves  to  the  right  while  on  either  side  of  her  are  Pegasus 
and  Chrysaor.  (Cf.  the  restoration  in  Art  and  Arch.,  I,  153  f., 
Fig.  1).  The  metope  of  Heracles  and  the  golden  apples  from  the 
temple  of  Zeus  at  Olympia  is  also  an  example  of  a  narrative  told  in 
shorthand.  According  to  the  myth,  Atlas  secured  the  apples  from 
the  garden  of  the  Hesperides  while  Heracles  held  the  world  on  his 
shoulders.  When  Atlas  was  unwilling  to  resume  his  old  task, 
Heracles  suggested  that  Atlas  hold  the  world  for  a  short  time  until 
he,  Heracles,  secured  a  cushion  to  ease  the  load;  but  as  soon  as 
Atlas  again  bore  the  world,  Heracles  hastened  away  with  the  apples. 
In  the  metope,  however,  Heracles  already  has  a  cushion  on  his 
shoulder  as  he  supports  the  world.  Thus  the  conclusion  of  the 
story  is  suggested  in  a  representation  of  an  earlier  episode.  We 
should  also  include  here  the  tale  of  Eriphyle  who  sold  her  husband's 
life  for  the  necklace  offered  her  by  Adrastus.  On  the  Amphiaraos 
crater  {Mon.  d.  Inst.,  X,  Pis.  4,  5  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I,  199)  the 
necklace  is  ostentatiously  held  in  the  hand  of  Eriphyle  as  her 
husband  departs  to  the  certain  death  to  which  she  had  betrayed 
him.  Surely  the  price  of  her  husband's  life  would  not  be  held  in 
full  view  at  such  a  time  and  must  be  placed  there  by  the  vase- 
painter  for  the  double  purpose  of  identifying  Eriphyle  and  indicating 
a  previous  scene  in  the  same  story.  The  Palladion  carried  by 
Diomedes  is  a  shorthand  reference  which  immediately  served  to 
recall  the  story  of  his  theft  of  the  image  from  Troy  {Mon.  d.  Inst., 
II,  PL  XXXV  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I,  102;  Mon.  d.  Inst.,  VI-VII, 
PL  XXII  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I,  150;  Annali  [1858],  PL  M  =  Reinach, 
Vases,  I,  299;  Arch.  Zeit.  [1848],  PL  17,  2  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I, 
368,  2).  Similarly,  the  appearance  of  Sciron  with  rock  and  tortoise 
{Mon.  d.  Inst.,  Ill,  PL  XLVII  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I,  119),  of  Philoc- 
tetes  with  a  snake,  of  Circe  with  a  loom,  and  men  with  the  heads 
of  animals  all  serve,  not  merely  to  identify  a  character,  but  also 
to  tell  a  narrative.  On  a  carnelian  in  Vienna  (Furtwangler,  A.G., 
PL  XIX,  4)  is  represented  a  bull  with  a  human  head,  on  his  back 
lies  a  nymph,  in  front  is  the  club  of  Heracles.  By  this  device  of 
shorthand  is  suggested  the  contest  of  Achelous  and  Heracles  for 
the  hand  of  Deianeira.     The  same  story  is  illustrated  on  a  sard  in 


emotions 


THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  25 

Berlin  {ibid.,  PI.  XXVI,  18)  where  Achelous  is  represented  by  a 
human  head  with  animal  horns,  and  where  club  and  cornucopia 
stand  for  the  mighty  Heracles.  Successive  stages  of  the  conflict 
are  suggested  on  another  gem  in  Berlin  {ibid.,  PI.  VIII,  3)  where 
the  various  transformations  of  Achelous  are  indicated  by  a  snake 
and  fish,1  side  by  side  with  the  human-headed  bull. 

The  third  use  of  symbols  is  as  a  means  of  giving  expression  to  m.  Expression 
abstract  ideas  and  emotions.  The  problem  of  representing  in  artistic  ideas  ^ 
form  such  ideas  and  emotions  is  a  real  test  of  the  ingenuity,  the 
technical  skill,  and  the  quality  of  artistic  feeling  existent  in  a  given 
nation.  Since  these  abstractions  are  really  outside  the  realm  of 
ideas  which  can  be  pictorially  depicted,  the  Greek  artist  had  to  have 
recourse  to  symbols  in  order  to  achieve  artistic  representation. 

The  most  familiar  type  of  symbol  employed  for  this  purpose 
is  personification.  This  is  one  of  the  simplest  forms  of  symbolism 
and  probably  developed  very  early  in  the  history  of  art.  It  is  a 
well-known  fact  that  the  primitive  conception  of  deity,  among  the 
Greeks  as  among  other  peoples,  was  aniconic,  and  that  the  represen- 
tation of  gods  at  that  period  took  the  form  of  conical  stones  and  of 
trees.2  Therefore,  when  the  period  of  anthropomorphic  conception 
of  deity  begins,  there  is,  in  that  very  idea,  a  personification  of  those 
vegetative  and  fructifying  forces  of  nature  which  constituted  the 
early  gods  and  goddesses  of  Greek  religion.  It  is  natural  that 
from  this  beginning  very  frequent  instances  of  personification 
should  be  found  in  Greek  art. 

The  ideas  and  emotions  expressed  by  personification  are  many 
and  varied — Sleep,  Death,  Childhood,  Love,  Desire,  Madness,  etc. 
The  spirit  of  a  city  or  state  is  variously  personified:  sometimes  as 
a  woman,  like  the  Tyche  of  Antioch  (B.B.,  PI.  134);  sometimes 
as  a  male  figure,  Demos  (Reinach,  Reliefs,  Vol.  II,  No.  5,  pp.  252, 
333-36) ;  at  other  times  the  patron  goddess  of  a  city  becomes  the 
personification  of  that  city,  for  instance,  on  the  stele  commemorating 
the  Samian  treaty  Athena  represents  Athens.  Akin  to  the  phase 
just  mentioned  is  the  female  figure  of  Olympias,  as  the  embodiment 

1  This  is  quite  apart  from  the  significance  of  fish  discussed  on  p.  6. 

2  For  instance,  the  connection  of  Zeus  at  Dodona  with  the  oak  tree  probably 
means  that  the  god  was  originally  worshiped  under  the  form  of  a  tree. 


26  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

of  the  Olympic  games,  on  a  pan-Athenaic  amphora  in  Boston 
(A. J. A.  [1906],  p.  392,  Fig.  4).  Among  the  personifications  of 
abstractions  one  of  the  most  interesting  is  the  attempt  to  depict 
the  soul.  Roscher  notes  the  use  of  a  helmeted  bird  on  a  Corinthian 
aryballos  to  denote  the  so-called  "bird-soul"  (Roscher,  Lexikon, 
III,  2,  3216,  Fig.  4;  Weicker,  Seelenvogel,  Fig.  68).  On  an  amphora 
by  Exekias  in  the  Louvre  (Gerhard,  PI.  io7  =  Reinach,  Vases, 
II,  59;  Annali  [1883],  PI.  2  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I,  347)  a  "bird-soul" 
flies  over  Eos  who  carries  the  body  of  Memnon.  This  may  be 
merely  a  tradition  handed  down  to  the  Greeks  by  the  Egyptians. 
The  most  frequent  representation  of  the  soul  is  as  an  eldoAov.  For 
instance,  on  an  amphora  showing  Hector's  body  dragged  along  the 
ground  by  Achilles  (Gerhard,  PI.  i99  =  Reinach,  Vases,  II,  100) 
there  is  in  the  upper  right-hand  corner  a  tiny  winged  and  armed 
figure,  representing  the  soul  of  the  dead  Trojan  warrior.  Like- 
wise, there  are  on  vases  a  number  of  representations  of  Hermes 
weighing  the  eidola  of  Achilles  and  Memnon  in  the  presence  of  Eos 
and  Thetis  (Mon.  d.  Inst.,  VI-VII,  PL  V  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I, 
144). x  Still  another  representation  of  the  soul  is  a  butterfly 
(Roscher,  Lexikon,  III,  2,  3234-36).  The  idea  in  the  butterfly 
later  develops  into  a  woman  with  a  butterfly's  wings,  as  in  the  group 
of  Eros  and  Psyche  (cf.  ibid.,  pp.  3243  f.). 

Furthermore,  certain  complex  ideas  and  elaborations  of  thought 
receive  expression  through  personification.  The  figure  of  Father 
Nile  and  the  Tyche  of  Antioch  are  notable  instances.  Others 
belonging  to  the  same  group  are  the  Apotheosis  of  Homer  (B.B., 
PL  50),  the  bust  of  Africa  in  the  Boscoreale  Treasure  {Mon.  Piot., 
V,  PL  I),  and  the  Tazza  Farnese  cameo  (Furtwangler,  A.G.,  PL 
LV).  Two  famous  instances  of  such  complex  ideas  are  noted  in 
literary  references,  namely,  the  statue  of  Opportunity  by  Lysippos 
and  the  picture  of  Calumny  painted  by  the  great  Apelles  (cf.  the 
idea  of  Calumny  painted  by  Botticelli  from  Lucian's  description  of 
Apelles'  picture). 

Thus  personification  afforded  a  satisfactory  means  of  expressing 
certain  abstract  ideas  like  Death,  Sleep,  Victory,  and  the  like, 
the  spirit  or  genius  of  a  city,  the  intangible  concept  of  a  soul,  and 

1  Perhaps  the  central  portion  of  the  Boston  Counterpart  to  the  Ludovisi  throne 
should  be  mentioned  here. 


THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  27 

various  complex  ideas.  Yet  the  very  nature  of  personification 
limits  the  ideas  which  can  be  expressed  by  this  means.  For  instance, 
it  is  almost  impossible  to  conceive  of  any  idea  of  motion,  of  growth, 
or  of  development  being  expressed  by  personification.  It  is  natural, 
therefore,  that  other  methods  grew  up  side  by  side  with  personifica- 
tion for  the  expression  of  abstract  ideas  and  emotions. 

One  of  these  methods  is  the  use  of  analogy,  whereby  an  object 
which  suggests  some  characteristic  feature  of  an  abstract  idea 
serves  as  a  substitute  for  that  idea.  When  the  Greeks  desired  to 
express  the  idea  of  the  thunderbolt  as  something  which  sped  quickly 
through  the  air,  no  way  seemed  more  simple  and  adequate  than  to 
add  wings  to  the  bolt  (cf.  coins  of  Elis,  Head,  H.N.,  pp.  419  f.). 
Similarly,  strings  of  tow  wound  together  into  the  shape  of  a  spindle 
seemed  the  easiest  method  of  hinting  at  possibilities  of  destructive 
fire,  for,  as  a  torch  thus  wound  could  blaze  brightly  and  bring 
injury,  so  could  the  fateful  bolt  of  Zeus  bring  destruction  (ibid). 
Similarly,  the  wings  of  the  sandals  and  cap  of  Hermes  suggested 
swift  progress  through  the  air  on  the  part  of  the  messenger  god. 
It  is  probable  that  attributes  of  other  deities  are  to  be  referred  to  a 
similar  origin.  The  pomegranate  which  Aphrodite  often  holds 
seems  to  be  a  reference  to  fertility  and  productivity,  and  the 
cornucopia  which  accompanies  Demeter  is  by  analogy  a  symbol 
of  plenty  and  abundance.  The  various  deities  connected  more  or 
less  closely  with  the  underworld  are  denoted  as  chthonian  by  the 
presence  of  torches  needed  to  lighten  the  darkness  and  gloom  of  the 
lower  world.  I  have  already  mentioned  the  representation  of  the 
pig  of  purification  and  of  the  birds  mating  as  a  reference  to  human 
marriage  and  the  significance  of  the  phallic  signs  as  emblems  of 
fertility.  The  abstract  ideas  which  can  be  represented  by  analogy 
are  obviously  varied  in  character.  It  is  quite  probable  that  on 
certain  coins  of  Syracuse  which  show  on  the  obverse  the  head  of 
Zeus  Eleutherios  and  on  the  reverse  a  free  horse  (ibid.,  p.  179)  the 
coin  types  are  to  be  taken  as  emblems  of  freedom  and  democracy. 
Possibly  the  head  of  Vulcan  on  the  coins  of  Aesernia  in  Samnium 
may  be  a  hint  at  the  prevalence  of  earthquakes.1     On  a  red  figured 

•Head,  H.N.,  p.  27,  "The  head  of  Vulcan  is  appropriate  in  a  country  where 
earthquakes  are  of  frequent  occurrence,  supposing  that  the  connection  between  seismic 
and  volcanic  phenomena  was  recognized  in  the  third  century  B.C." 


28  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

vase  in  Petrograd  {Mon.  d.  Inst.,  II,  PI.  XXIV  =  Reinach,  Vases, 
I,  96,  6)  a  bearded  man,  an  ephebe,  and  a  child  watch  a  swallow 
and  cry  out  that  spring  has  come.  Evidently  in  this  painting  the 
coming  of  spring,  which  could  not  by  its  very  nature  be  literally 
represented  in  art,  is  suggested  by  a  bird  whose  coming  is  almost 
synchronous  with  that  of  spring.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  from 
early  times  the  swallow  has  thus  been  esteemed  a  harbinger  of 
spring. 

A  third  method  of  expressing  abstractions  is  by  the  use  of 
physical  terms  for  ideas  which  are  really  in  the  realm  of  the  spiritual. 
It  is  particularly  hard  to  express  artistically  the  ideas  of  the  spiritual 
and  the  supernatural.  One  realizes  this  fully  in  Christian  art, 
since  most  of  the  pictures  of  the  Madonna  and  Child  are  simply 
more  or  less  faithful  portraits  of  humble  mortals  known  to  the 
artist  and  completely  lack  even  the  semblance  of  divinity.  This 
problem,  too,  the  Greeks  solved  by  symbols  used  according  to 
conventional  formulas.  As  noted  in  the  previous  chapter, 
apparently  the  inferiority  of  mortal  to  deity  or  heroized  dead  was 
expressed  by  smaller  dimensions.  Thus  physical  size  became  a 
symbol  for  spiritual  superiority,  as  on  the  Spartan  Relief  (B.B., 
PI.  227),  the  Harpy  Monument  {ibid.,  Pis.  146,  147),  and  the  Relief 
of  Hermes  and  the  Nymphs  {ibid.,  PL  61).  We  have  already  called 
attention  to  the  fact  of  the  smaller  size  of  mortals  in  relief  sculpture 
on  temples,  and  to  the  probability  that  the  large  number  of  colossal 
statues  known  to  have  existed  proves  that  the  Greeks  translated 
the  superhuman  power  of  their  deities  in  terms  of  physical  size. 

In  other  cases,  where  an  emotion  or  sensation  was  to  be 
represented,  the  cause  of  the  reaction  was  substituted  for  the  effect, 
or  vice  versa,  the  effect  was  represented  instead  of  the  cause. 
Fear  could  be  indicated  by  personification ;  indeed,  it  was  so  treated 
on  the  vases  where  a  figure  inscribed  Phobos  serves  as  charioteer 
for  Heracles  {Mon.  d.  Inst.,  XI,  PI.  XXIV  -  Reinach,  Vases,  I, 
223;  Gerhard,  122-23=  Reinach,  Vases,  II,  66).  On  the  other 
hand,  the  representation  of  some  wild  animal,  such  as  a  bear, 
which  is  a  possible  material  cause  for  terror  could  suggest  the 
emotion  which  is  so  difficult  to  express.  An  instance  of  cause  for 
effect  may  be  found  on  the  interior  of  the  Sosias  cylix  (F.R.,  II, 


historical  events 


THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  29 

PI.  123),  where  the  arrow  at  the  left  serves  to  suggest  the  pain 
which  the  wounded  hero  suffers.  Likewise,  the  snake  which 
accompanies  Philoctetes  indicates  the  suffering  which  he  endured 
so  long  (Mon.  d.  Inst.,  VI-VII,  PI.  VIII  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I,  145; 
Arch.  Zeit.  [1845],  Pis-  35>  36  =  Reinach,  Vases,  I,  358,  5). 

The  myth  of  Philoctetes  also  exemplifies  the  representation  of 
effect  for  cause,  in  that  this  hero  is  generally  shown  limping.  This 
may  be  a  touch  of  realism,  but  it  seems  likely  that  it  is  also  a  method 
of  suggesting  pain  by  depicting  the  effect,  since  the  pain  itself  cannot 
be  directly  indicated.  An  instance  of  the  use  of  effect  for  cause 
to  indicate  an  abstract  idea  may  be  found  in  the  statues  from  the 
Nereid  Monument  (B.B.,  Pis.  211-12).  The  drapery  of  these 
figures  has  the  appearance  of  being  driven  against  the  body  by  a 
gale  or  by  the  surge  of  billows,  and  thereby  represents  sculpturally 
the  force  of  wind  or  wave.  Other  instances  of  abstract  ideas 
expressed  by  this  means  have  already  been  mentioned  on  page  14. 

A  fourth  use  of  symbolism  is  to  allude  to  historical  events,  rv.  Allusion  to 
It  is  natural  to  find  instances  of  this  use  of  symbolism  among  coin 
types,  since  coins,  more  than  any  other  artistic  medium,  bear  a 
definite  relation  to  contemporaneous  events.  The  Demarateia  of 
Syracuse,  generally  accepted  as  an  issue  made  after  the  successful 
termination  of  the  war  with  Carthage,  show  in  the  exergue  a  lion 
running.  Hill  (Coins  of  Sicily,  PI.  II,  6,  7,  pp.  55  f.)  interprets  this 
as  an  " emblem  of  the  subdued  and  fleeing  forces  of  Africa,"  while 
Head  notes  in  the  same  connection  that  the  lion  is  a  symbol  of 
conquered  Libya  (Head,  H.N.,  p.  173).  Thus  we  have  good  grounds 
for  considering  the  Demarateia  as  an  example  of  the  use  of  symbols 
to  allude  to  historical  events.  Probably  the  pistrix  on  the  exergue 
of  a  Syracusan  coin  of  the  same  period  (Hill,  Coins  of  Sicily,  PI.  II, 
8,  p.  57)  is  a  reference  to  the  great  naval  victory  of  Hiero  over  the 
Etruscans  in  474  B.C. 

At  a  later  period,  some  of  the  Syracusan  coins  bearing  Cimon's 
signature  show  in  the  exergue  a  panoply  with  the  word  "athla." 
Head  (H.N.,  pp.  176  f.)  and  Hill  (Coins  of  Sicily,  pp.  100  f.)  agree 
that  this  must  be  a  reference  to  arms  taken  from  the  defeated 
Athenians  after  the  battle  of  the  Assinarus  and  offered  as  prizes 
in  the  games  which  celebrated  that  victory.     Still  later  in  the 


30  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

history  of  Syracuse,  in  the  reign  of  the  tyrant  Agathocles,  a  triskeles 
appears  in  the  field  above  the  usual  quadriga.  There  has  been  much 
doubt  as  to  the  meaning  of  this  symbol.  Some  assume  it  to  be  a 
sign  representing  the  whole  island,  and  others  assert  that  it  is  the 
badge  of  Agathocles;  but  according  to  either  interpretation  it 
refers  to  the  period  of  Agathocles  and  his  conquest  of  all  Sicily.1 
Demetrius  Poliorcetes  used  the  same  theme  as  the  Nike  of  Samo- 
thrace  for  his  coin  type  in  order  to  commemorate  the  naval  victory 
of  his  fleet  over  Ptolemy  in  306  B.C.  (Head,  H.N.,  p.  229).  Again, 
one  of  the  coins  of  Macedon  inscribed  with  the  name  of  Antigonos 
shows  the  prow  of  a  boat  upon  which  is  seated  a  nude  Apollo 
holding  a  bow  {ibid.,  p.  231).  This  is  certainly  a  reference  to  a  naval 
victory,  whether  it  applies  to  the  success  of  Antigonos  Gonatas 
over  the  Egyptian  fleet  in  253  B.C.  or  to  the  fortunate  expedition 
against  Caria  in  228  B.C.  by  Antigonos  Doson.2 

In  some  instances  an  important  event  is  indicated  not  by  a 
special  symbol  but  rather  by  a  combination  of  previously  known 
symbols.  This  is  the  case  with  certain  coins  of  Sybaris  and 
Poseidonia:  on  the  obverse  is  Poseidon  and  his  trident,  the  badge 
of  Poseidonia,  and  on  the  reverse,  the  standing  bull  of  Sybaris 
{ibid.,  p.  85).  The  union  of  the  types  of  these  two  cities  on  a  single 
coin  must  indicate  some  close  bond  such  as  an  alliance  between 
them. 

1  Hill,  Coins  of  Sicily,  pp.  152  f.,  "Coins  issued  from  this  time  until  the  date  of 
his  invasion  of  Africa  do  not  bear  his  name;  but  they  are  distinguished  from  all  earlier 
Syracusan  issues  by  the  appearance  of  the  three-legged  symbol,  popularly  called 
triquetra,  but  more  correctly  triskeles.  This  symbol,  whatever  may  be  its  meaning 
in  other  parts  of  the  world,  is  generally  supposed  to  be  the  emblem  of  the  three-cornered 
island  Trinacria.  Yet  we  must  hesitate  somewhat  to  admit  that,  several  years  before 
the  conquests  of  Agathocles  gave  them  the  right  to  make  such  a  claim,  the  Syracusans 
placed  upon  their  coins  an  emblem  which  implied  domination  over  the  whole  island. 
It  is  not  impossible  that  the  triskeles  was  originally  the  private  signet  of  Agathocles, 
and  that  its  adoption  as  the  emblem  of  all  Sicily  belongs  to  a  later  date.  Were  it 
otherwise,  we  should  expect  to  find  it  used  prominently  in  the  time  of  kings  Pyrrhus 
and  Hiera,  who  were  recognized  as  kings  of  the  Siceliotes.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  except 
on  the  coins  of  Agathocles,  it  is  never  or  rarely  found  in  Sicily  save  on  coins  of  Roman 
date;  and  to  the  Romans,  therefore,  we  may  perhaps  attribute  the  extension  of  its 
significance." 

2  On  the  coins  of  Croton  (Head,  H.N.,  p.  97)  is  the  type  of  Heracles  strangling 
two  serpents.  Head  says  apropos  of  these  coins,  "About  390  B.C.  the  Greek  cities  of 
South  Italy  were  threatened  on  one  hand  by  the  Lucanians  and  on  the  other  by 
Dionysus  of  Syracuse.  The  idea  of  the  infant  Heracles  strangling  the  two  serpents 
is  symbolical  of  free  and  unified  Hellas  over  Barbarism  and  Tyranny." 


THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  31 

A  fifth  use  of  symbolism  (which  the  Greeks  shared  in  common  with  v  Pr°tection 

against  evil 

other  peoples)  was  to  ward  off  dangers,  such  as  the  evil  eye  and 
other  forms  of  magic  spells,  to  secure  blessings  instead  of  curses  from 
the  demonic  forces  with  which  their  imagination  peopled  the  world. 
Just  as  the  ankh  of  the  Egyptians  served  as  a  protective  sign,  so 
did  the  apotropaic  eye  and  the  gorgoneion  for  the  Greeks.  There 
is  no  evidence  in  Greek  art  that  charms  and  amulets  were  used  for 
curative  purposes  or  to  bring  down  evil  upon  one's  enemies,  although 
the  existence  of  both  of  these  ideas  can  be  traced  in  Greek  literature. 
In  reviewing  the  contents  of  this  chapter  it  should  be  very 
apparent  that  all  these  uses  of  symbolism  (except  the  last)  grew 
out  of  the  artist's  incapacity  to  picture  directly  what  he  wished  to 
show.  He  could  not  show  Athena  except  by  giving  her  an  identify- 
ing attribute ;  he  could  not  show  a  victor  as  a  victor  except  by  adding 
some  object  of  the  palaestra  or  games;  he  could  not  show  foreign 
people  except  by  the  simplest  distinction  of  garb  or  weapon;  he 
could  not  picture  place  and  circumstance  fully  and  so  had  to  hint 
at  them  by  some  tell-tale  accessory;  he  could  not  narrate  a  long 
adventure  circumstantially  and  by  repetition,  and  so  had  to 
condense  it  into  an  impossible  single  scene  with  symbolic  allusions 
to  antecedent  and  consequent  events.  Since  ideas  and  conditions 
could  not  be  pictured  directly,  recourse  had  to  be  taken  to  symbols 
which  should  suggest  or  arouse  those  same  ideas  or  emotions  for 
the  spectator.  It  is  important  to  observe  that  where  the  artist 
could  picture  what  he  wished  to  show  he  did  not  use  symbols 
because  symbols  would  have  added  nothing.  It  follows  that  we 
may  assert  as  conclusions  to  this  part  of  our  dissertation : 

1.  That  symbols  are  an  indication  of  impotence  on  the  part 
of  the  artist  to  show  his  intention  pictorially. 

2.  That  as  technical  proficiency  increases  many  of  these 
symbols  slough  off  as  unnecessary.1 

3.  That  Greek  art  had  very  little  use  for  symbols  except  as  an 
aid  to  the  artist  for  purely  representational  purposes. 

•  It  is  worthy  of  note,  however,  that  religious  conservatism  preserved  symbols 
even  when  they  were  no  longer  artistically  necessary  (Gardner,  Principles  of  Greek 
Art,  p.  92).  Furthermore,  one  group  of  symbols  increases  rather  than  decreases  in 
the  Hellenistic  period,  namely,  allegory. 


CHAPTER  IV 

RELATION  OF  SYMBOLS  TO  THE  MEDIUM 

As  we  have  just  noted,  the  use  of  symbols  is  an  indication  of  the 
inability  of  the  artist  to  express  his  ideas  pictorially.  This  impo- 
tence often  arises  out  of  the  restrictions  placed  upon  the  artist  by 
the  medium  in  which  he  is  working.  Waldstein  recognizes  the 
importance  of  the  medium  when  he  says,  "Each  new  material 
requires,  and  consequently  finds  or  evolves,  a  new  technical  treat- 
ment, new  drawing,  new  design,  and  new  modelling"  (Waldstein, 
Greek  Sculpture  and  Modern  Art,  p.  2).  It  is  obvious  that  an  idea 
could  be  expressed  by  one  method  in  a  certain  medium,  but  that 
the  same  method  might  prove  utterly  inadequate  in  another 
medium.  For  instance,  in  painting,  the  sun  could  be  represented 
by  the  conventional  disk,  rayed  or  unrayed,  which  has  come  to  be 
the  pictorial  symbol  for  the  sun;  the  moon  could  be  represented 
by  a  similarly  stylized  disk  or  crescent.  But  for  sculpture  in  the 
round,  such  treatment  would  be  entirely  out  of  harmony  and  would 
produce  an  almost  grotesque  effect;  therefore,  in  the  pediment  of 
the  Parthenon  the  sun  is  personified  as  a  male  figure  driving  his 
horses  and  the  moon  as  a  female  figure  similarly  occupied.  Rivers 
could  be  represented  in  a  landscape,  but  it  would  be  no  easy  task 
to  depict  a  river  with  proper  perspective  in  sculpture  or  on  vase 
or  coin.  Yet  one  must  not  fancy  the  Greek  artist  consciously 
choosing  from  a  recognized  repertoire  of  symbols  and  saying  to 
himself,  "This  fits  my  medium,  but  that  does  not."  Rather,  the 
medium  itself  gave  no  scope  for  the  use  of  those  symbols  which 
were  not  suitable.  In  other  words,  the  medium  governed  the 
artist  and  not  vice  versa. 

An  examination  of  the  characteristics  of  each  medium  and  of  the 
ideas  expressed  therein  by  Greek  artists  will  strengthen  the  conclu- 
sions of  the  last  chapter  that  the  Greeks  only  used  symbols  when 
they  were  unable  to  express  their  ideas  pictorially. 

Sculpture  in  the  round,  as  work  in  three  dimensions,  calls  for 
single  subjects  simply  treated  rather  than  for  complexity  of  subject, 

32 


RELATION  OF  SYMBOLS  TO  THE  MEDIUM  33 

and  for  broadness  of  treatment  rather  than  for  wealth  of  detail. 
In  connection  with  Greek  figures,  Pater  says, 

For  such  youth  in  its  very  essence  is  a  matter  properly  within  the  limits 
of  the  visible,  the  empirical,  world;  and  in  the  presentment  of  it  there  will  be 
no  place  for  symbolic  hint,  none  of  that  reliance  on  the  helpful  imagination 
of  the  spectator,  the  legitimate  scope  of  which  is  a  large  one,  when  art  is  dealing 
with  religious  objects,  with  what  in  the  fulness  of  its  own  nature  is  not  really 

expressible  at  all It  is  an  age  clearly  of  faithful  observation,  of  what 

we  call  realism,  alike  in  its  iconic  and  heroic  work;  and  in  the  presentment  of 
divine  or  abstract  types.  And  if  art  was  still  to  minister  to  the  religious  sense, 
it  could  only  be  by  clothing  celestial  spirits  also  as  nearly  as  possible  in  the 
bodily  semblance  of  the  various  athletic  combatants,  whose  patrons  respectively 
they  were  supposed  to  be  [Pater,  Greek  Studies,  pp.  300  f.]. 

The  subjects,  therefore,  of  Greek  sculpture  were  human  beings  and 
deities  so  anthropomorphic  in  character  that  they  were  conceived 
of  as  actual  visible  beings.  By  way  of  contrast  to  Greek  sculpture, 
let  us  note  the  ideas  expressed  by  Hindu  sculpture.  The  chief 
characteristic  of  that  art  is  the  desire  to  express  cosmic  forces, 
mystical  ideas  quite  beyond  the  realm  of  the  physical  world.  For 
example,  the  three  aspects  of  the  Essence  of  Matter  is  not  an  idea 
within  the  possibility  of  representation  and  must  therefore  be 
suggested  symbolically  by  a  three-headed  deity,  the  Trimurti; 
spiritual  insight  or  vision  cannot  be  literally  represented,  therefore 
a  third  eye  was  added  to  the  two  eyes  of  physical  vision;  the 
omnipotence  of  deity  is  impossible  to  express,  except  through 
symbolic  means,  e.g.,  by  representing  many  arms.  Thus  the  nature 
of  the  ideas,  not  the  limits  of  technique,  force  Hindu  art  to  use 
symbolism;  while  Greek  art,  as  we  have  seen,  strove  to  express 
ideas  within  the  realm  of  the  physical  world.  In  early  Greek 
sculpture  such  types  of  symbols  as  the  "attributive"  and  the 
"physical  for  spiritual"  appear  because  lack  of  technical  skill 
prevented  the  artist  from  distinguishing  and  characterizing  his 
personages.  But  as  Greek  art  developed  and  attained  technical 
perfection  these  symbols  gradually  disappear: 

As  Greek  art  grew  towards  maturity,  it  discarded  this  inartistic  and  con- 
ventional symbolism It  is  true  that  deities  to  the  last,  especially  in 

their  formal  cultus  images,  retained  attributes  indicating  their  special  provinces 
or  functions But  these  attributes  were  little  more  than  survivals;   in 


34  TEE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

the  meantime  the  Greek  artists  had  discovered  a  more  excellent  way  for  indicat- 
ing the  character  and  the  functions  of  the  deities A  mere  external 

symbolism  gave  place  to  an  incorporation  in  the  figure  itself  of  its  divine 
attributes  [Gardner,  Principles  of  Greek  Art,  p.  92]. 

For  example,  the  earlier  figures  of  Hermes  are  always  distinguished 
by  kerykeion,  petasos,  or  winged  sandals,  but  the  Hermes  of 
Praxiteles  possesses  no  such  symbols.  Greek  art,  we  may  conclude, 
recognized  as  the  true  aim  of  sculpture,  the  representation  of  objects 
in  the  physical  world,  particularly  the  human  figure.  The  necessity, 
therefore,  of  symbols  as  a  result  of  technical  immaturity,  disappears 
during  the  period  of  technical  perfection  and  of  clearer  recognition 
of  this  ideal  of  sculpture. 

Owing  to  the  similarity  of  material  and  to  the  tendency  of  relief 
to  approach  work  in  three  dimensions  instead  of  pure  line  work 
on  the  level  of  one  plane,  the  technical  problems  of  relief  are  akin 
to  those  of  sculpture  in  the  round  rather  than  to  those  of  drawing, 
although  relief  is  probably  closer  in  origin  to  the  latter.  Relief 
also  had  aims  and  ideals  close  to  those  of  sculpture  in  the  round; 
and  here  again  the  chief  interest  was  in  the  representation  of  objects 
and  ideas  within  the  realm  of  the  physical  world,  particularly 
human  beings  and  anthropomorphic  deities.  On  the  architectural 
reliefs,  such  as  those  of  the  treasury  of  the  Sicyonians  at  Delphi, 
the  so-called  Theseum  at  Athens,  and  of  the  temple  of  Zeus  at 
Olympia,  the  human  achievements  of  various  deities  or  demigods 
serve  as  subject-matter,  while  on  the  frieze  of  the  Parthenon  the 
human  worshipers  are  the  focus  of  attention.  On  smaller  reliefs 
such  as  the  Spartan  Relief  the  heroized  dead  receive  homage  from 
their  survivors;  on  the  Eleusinian  Relief  is  represented  the  human 
theophany  of  Demeter  and  Persephone;  on  grave  stelae  human 
beings  are  depicted  in  the  attitudes  of  daily  life.  Thus  in  relief 
the  ideas  represented  do  not  by  their  content  force  the  artists  to 
use  symbolism,  and  the  symbols,  such  as  the  "attributive"  and  the 
"physical  for  spiritual,"  which  occur,  particularly  in  the  earlier 
period,  are  due  to  incomplete  mastery  of  technical  processes.  In 
relief,  as  in  sculpture  in  the  round,  Hindu  art  offers  a  striking 
contrast  to  Greek  art.  For  instance,  one  of  the  most  striking  of 
the  Hindu  reliefs  is  the  representation  "of  the  churning  of  the 


RELATION  OF  SYMBOLS  TO  THE  MEDIUM  35 

waters  of  chaos,  a  cosmic  struggle  between  good  and  evil"  (Havell, 
Ideals  of  Indian  Art,  p.  64,  PI.  IV).  Such  ideas  as  this  demand 
the  use  of  symbolism  because  they  are  incapable  of  literal  repre- 
sentation. 

In  vase-painting  a  larger  number  of  symbols  exist  than  in  either 
form  of  sculpture.  This  is  due  largely  to  the  additional  limitations 
imposed  by  this  medium.  In  the  first  place,  the  small  space  imposes 
certain  restrictions — true,  miniature  work  like  that  of  the  Renais- 
sance reproduces  faithfully  large  objects  on  a  minute  scale,  but 
miniatures  are  the  product  of  a  fully  developed,  even  sophisticated 
art,  and  such  a  description  is  not  applicable  to  Greek  vases  of  the 
sixth  to  fourth  centuries  before  Christ.  Furthermore,  the  medium 
again  imposes  a  limitation,  for  the  fabric  of  pottery  does  not  lend 
itself  to  the  elaborate  detail  and  superfine  work  of  miniatures. 
(Such  works  of  the  Renaissance  were  in  harder  material  such  as 
ivory  or  stone.)  In  the  second  place,  in  vases  there  is  that  problem 
so  difficult  for  a  primitive  draughtsman  to  solve,  namely,  the 
depicting  of  three  dimensional  objects  in  two  dimensional  space. 
In  the  third  place,  there  is  a  problem  akin  to  the  last,  the  repre- 
sentation of  vista  and  perspective.  Where  the  early  Greek  artisan 
could  not  solve  these  problems,  he  resorted  to  symbolism  as  a  way 
out  of  the  difficulty.  One  element  of  the  content  of  the  ideas 
represented  affects  symbols  on  vases,  and  that  is  the  narrative 
element.  Although  the  scenes  on  Greek  vases  represent  beings 
who  are  visually  and  physically  conceived,  yet  the  problem  of 
indicating  successive  events  in  the  same  story  caused  suggestive  de- 
tails to  be  included  in  one  picture. 

Although  no  examples  of  Greek  wall  painting  or  easel  painting 
have  survived,  yet  references  in  classical  authors  and  the  evidence 
from  Pompeian  wall  paintings  permit  us  to  conjecture  that  the 
symbolism  existing  in  that  medium  may  have  been  of  the  same 
varieties  which  existed  on  vases;  for  example,  Pausanias  states 
that  a  single  tree  stood  for  the  grove  of  Persephone  (Paus.  x.  30.  6). 
Presumably  similar  problems  had  to  be  solved  in  this,  as  in  the 
kindred  medium,  because  of  the  difficulty  of  representing  three 
dimensional  objects  in  two  dimensional  space  and  the  difficulty  of 
representing  vista  or  perspective. 


36  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

In  dealing  with  the  problem  of  the  medium  so  far  as  it  affects 
the  symbols  on  coins,  it  is  necessary  to  remember  that  the  important 
feature  of  a  coin  is  that  it  must  bear  upon  it  the  sign  and  seal  of 
the  monetary  authority  responsible  for  the  issue.  In  coins  the 
ideas  represented  had  a  larger  share  in  deciding  what  use  should 
be  made  of  symbols  than  in  any  other  medium  mentioned.  Up  to 
the  time  of  Alexander  it  was  not  customary  for  the  heads  of  indi- 
vidual rulers  to  be  represented  on  coins.  Nor  were  written  labels 
frequent  in  the  early  issues  as  a  means  of  stating  authority  and 
value.  In  most  cases  the  issuing  authority  was  a  city-state,  and 
it  is  by  no  means  an  easy  task  to  represent  a  city  on  a  coin.  One 
solution  was  to  represent  the  name  of  the  city  as  a  physical  object — 
the  so-called  "canting  type"  of  symbol;  another  solution  was  to 
represent  some  article  of  commerce  peculiar  to  that  city;  another 
was  to  represent  some  geographical  peculiarity  of  the  site;  another 
was  the  representation  of  a  renowned  athletic  victory;  finally, 
a  patron  deity  or  eponymous  hero  might  be  represented.  Thus 
symbols  have  a  very  important  role  upon  coins,  owing  to  the  peculiar 
demands  in  this  medium.  Technical  difficulties  such  as  the  restric- 
tions of  space  and  the  representation  of  three  dimensional  objects 
also  had  their  influence  upon  the  symbols  which  appear  upon  coins. 

With  regard  to  gems  the  limitations  of  the  medium  again  affect 
the  use  of  symbols.  The  very  small  size  precludes  the  use  of  more 
than  one  or  two  figures.  These  figures  were  usually  mythological; 
and  as  the  small  size  prevented  artistic  delineation  of  characters 
through  individualization  of  features,  attributes  were  necessary  for 
the  recognition  of  the  personages.  Scenic  features  such  as  the  sea 
had  also  to  be  suggested  by  symbols,  because  of  the  restricted  area. 
In  the  fine  period  of  gem-cutting  when  the  adaptability  of  a  head 
to  the  space  was  recognized,  symbols  became  less  frequent.  Thus, 
as  in  sculpture,  a  truer  realization  of  the  ideals  to  be  represented  in 
the  medium  and  a  fuller  mastery  of  technical  execution  led  to  a 
decrease  of  symbols. 

Terra  cottas  display  very  little  that  is  peculiar  to  the  fabric. 
The  artisans  who  worked  in  this  medium  dealt  with  everyday  life 
and  were  inclined  toward  realism  and  genre  rather  than  toward 
that  idealism  which  compels  the  use  of  symbols  through  inability 


RELATION  OF  SYMBOLS  TO  THE  MEDIUM  37 

to  express  ideas.  In  so  far  as  terra  cottas  represented  divine 
beings,  they  borrowed  their  ideas  of  deity  from  sculpture,  and, 
therefore,  their  symbols. 

In  architecture  symbols  are  not  as  prevalent  as  in  the  other 
arts  which  we  have  discussed.  This  medium  has  a  twofold  nature — 
structural  and  decorative.  On  the  structural  side,  many  of  the 
features  of  architecture  are  not  the  result  of  free  will  or  fancy  on  the 
part  of  man,  the  architect,  but  are  the  result  of  conditions  inherent 
in  the  character  of  the  medium  itself,  since  in  many  respects 
architecture  is  akin  to  engineering  and  therefore  approaches 
mechanical  rather  than  aesthetic  art.  Yet  certain  features  in  its 
structural  form  appear  to  have  symbolic  significance.  Whether 
or  not  one  accepts  the  theory  that  the  Mycenean  megaron  is  the 
prototype  of  the  Greek  temple,  it  is  an  accepted  fact  that  the 
temple  was  conceived  of  as  the  abode  of  the  deity,  and  that  the 
nucleus  of  the  plan  of  a  temple  is  a  primitive  house.  This  idea  of 
the  temple  as  a  home  of  the  god  carries  out  the  same  anthropo- 
morphic conception  of  deity  seen  in  other  phases  of  Greek  art. 
Symbolism  is  seen  in  the  large  size  and  the  durability  of  Greek 
temples.  Since  the  God  was  greater,  more  powerful,  and  of  longer 
life  than  mortal  man,  his  house  must  be  larger  and  of  greater 
durability  than  human  habitations.  Thus  we  have  spiritual  ideas 
expressed  by  physical  terms. 

The  orientation  of  Greek  temples  may  have  had  symbolic 
import.  The  fixed  rule  was  that  the  main  entrance  to  the  temple 
should  be  on  the  east  (at  Bassae  where  the  exigencies  of  space 
forced  a  north  and  south  orientation,  a  door  was  cut  in  the  long 
eastern  side).  Probably  this  was  symbolism  by  analogy:  since 
gods  of  the  upper  air  were  those  chiefly  honored  by  temples,  their 
abodes  should  face  in  the  direction  of  the  first  rays  of  that  light 
which  distinguished  the  upper  air  from  the  darkness  of  the  lower 
world.  The  theory  that  this  temple  to  Apollo  (at  Bassae)  might 
have  been  hypaethral,  as  was  the  temple  at  Didyma,  may  supply 
a  further  instance  of  analogy,  since  the  temple  to  a  health-god 
might  well  be  left  open  to  air  and  sun. 

On  the  decorative  side  also  certain  indications  of  symbolism 
should    be   noted.     The    acroteria   were    important    architectural 


216395 


38  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

features  from  a  very  early  period;  according  to  one  interpretation 
they  were  prophylactic  representations  of  the  solar  disk  (Cook, 
Zeus,  p.  292;  Benndorf,  "  Uber  den  Ursprung  der  Giebelakroterien," 
Jahresh.  d.  oest.  arch.  Inst.,  II  [1899],  pp.  1-51).1  There  is  also  a  possi- 
bility that  the  whole  idea  of  sculptural  decoration  of  the  pediments 
is  due  to  an  early  representation  of  a  prophylactic  serpent  in  the 
gable.  This  theory  is  strengthened  by  the  instances  of  early  poros 
pediments  in  which  serpentine  forms  predominate.  The  Medusa 
in  the  gable  of  the  temple  at  Corfu  increases  the  possibility  that 
there  was  sometimes  a  magic  purpose  in  pedimental  sculpture. 
In  the  coffer  blocks  of  the  ceiling  of  the  peristyle  bronze  rosettes 
were  fastened;  and  perhaps  we  may  see  in  them  a  symbolic 
representation  of  stars  and  a  suggestion  of  the  vault  of  heaven. 
We  know  that  a  symbolic  suggestion  of  the  sky  existed  in  Egyptian 
decoration,  at  Deir-el-Bahri  in  a  temple  of  the  Eighteenth  Dynasty 
(Maspero,  Manual  of  Egyptian  Archaeology,  pp.  1 10-12).  It  is 
doubtful,  however,  if  there  is  any  symbolic  suggestion  in  the  Greek 
use  of  bronze  rosettes.  Often  when  symbols  are  borrowed  from 
another  country,  they  lose  their  symbolic  significance  and  become 
merely  decorative  features. 

Thus  in  each  medium  in  Greek  art  the  ideas  which  are 
represented  govern  the  symbols  used  in  that  medium.  In  so  far 
as  these  ideas  are  purely  representational,  and  are  concerned  with 
the  reproduction  of  real  features  of  the  physical  world,  symbols 
tend  to  disappear  in  proportion  as  the  technical  side  of  the  art 
comes  to  perfection. 

1  Note  also  the  theory  that  the  acroterion  was  derived  from  the  horns  of  con- 
secration, Lethaby,  Architecture,  p.  101. 


CHAPTER  V 

COMPARISON  OF  GREEK  SYMBOLISM  WITH  THE 
SYMBOLISM  OF  OTHER  COUNTRIES 

Even  after  so  detailed  an  examination  of  the  types  and  uses 
of  symbols  in  Greek  art,  our  understanding  of  Greek  artistic 
symbolism  will  not  be  complete  or  adequate  without  a  comparison 
with  the  artistic  symbolism  of  other  countries. 

Certain  obvious  similarities  in  the  types  of  symbols  used  else- 
where than  in  Greek  art  may  be  briefly  noted.  Attributive  symbols 
are  widely  employed  for  identifying  characters,  whether  human  or 
divine.  The  whip  and  scepter  of  Osiris  and  the  girdle  tie  of  Isis 
are  familiar  examples  from  Egyptian  art.  In  Assyrian  art  the 
winged  disk  is  an  attribute  of  Ashur,  while  the  lion  is  an  attribute 
of  the  Babylonian  deity  Marduk.  The  dragon  with  five  claws  is 
a  symbol  peculiar  to  the  emperor  of  China  (Tredwell,  Chinese  Art 
Motives,  pp.  31-36).  In  Japan,  Ebisu  (Yebisu),  the  Shintoist  god 
of  daily  food  (Allen,  Japanese  Art  Motives,  p.  120),  carries  a  fishing- 
rod  and  basket  of  fish  as  his  attributes;  while  Kashin,  the  god  of 
roads,  is  accompanied  by  the  three  mystic  monkeys  (Allen,  op.  cit., 
p.  136).  In  Hindu  art  the  swan,  the  eagle,  and  the  bull  serve  as 
attributes  as  well  as  vehicles  {vahan)  to  Brahma,  Vishnu,  and  Siva 
respectively.  The  cobra  is  also  an  attribute  of  Siva  (Havell, 
Ideals  of  Indian  Art,  pp.  71  f.).  Coatlicue,  an  earth-goddess  of 
Mexico,  wears  a  skirt  woven  of  snakes  as  her  attribute  (Spinden, 
Civilizations  of  Mexico,  p.  195,  PI.  XL);  Xochipilli,  god  of  flowers, 
dance,  and  song,  wears  the  high  crest  of  a  coxcoxtli  bird  on  his  head 
and  a  white  butterfly  painted  on  his  mouth  (Joyce,  Mcx.  Arch., 
p.  42,  PI.  V,  1).  Christian  art  distinguished  a  multitude  of  per- 
sonages by  their  attributes:  the  winged  lion  of  St.  Mark  and  the 
keys  of  St.  Peter  are  characteristic  examples. 

Personification  is  another  type  of  symbol  which  appears  in  the 
arts  of  many  countries.  A  familiar  example  from  Egypt  is  the 
representation  of  the  sky  by  the  outstretched  figure  of  the  goddess 

39 


4o  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

Nut,  supported  by  the  god  Shu  who,  in  turn,  personifies  the  air 
(Delia  Seta,  Religion  and  Art,  p.  80,  Fig.  15).     From  Mesopotamia 
we  have  a  quasi-human  representation  of  the  southwest  wind 
(Perrot  and  Chipiez,  Chaldaea  and  Assyria,  II,  p.  80,  Fig.  32)  as 
well  as  several  anthropomorphic  representations  of  various  solar, 
stellar,  and  lunar  forces:    Shamash,  Sin,  and  Ishtar  are  examples 
among  Babylonian  deities.     In  Assyrian  art  the  winged  disk,  an 
aniconic  symbol   of  Ashur,  gradually  becomes   anthropomorphic 
(Jastrow,  Religious  Belief  in  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  PL  18,  Fig.  1). 
In  Hindu  art  personification  is  frequent  in  its  appearance  and 
varied   in  its  forms.     Two  well-known  examples  may  serve  as 
illustrations:    the  three-headed  deity  symbolizing  the  Essence  of 
Matter  (Havell,  Ideals  of  Indian  Art,  p.  67),  and  worldly  wisdom, 
personified  by  the  god  Ganesha  who  has  an  elephant's  head  on 
an  infant's  body  (Havell,  op.  cit.,  p.  84,  PI.  X).     In  Chinese  art 
certain  fabulous  animals  are  the  personifications  of  ideas  which 
are    not    capable    of   literal  artistic  interpretation:    the    dragon 
represents  the  thunder-clouds  of  summer  (Ferguson,   Outlines  of 
Chinese    Art,    Introduction,    p.    15);    and    the    unicorn    is    the 
incarnation  of   the  five  primordial   elements   (Paleologue,  VArt 
Chinois,  p.   24).     In  Mexican  art  a  monster  with  gaping  jaws 
represents  the  earth   (Joyce,  Mexican  Archaeology,  p.  233).     In 
Japanese  art  various  animals  serve  as  personifications  of  abstract 
ideas  or  natural  phenomena:  the  lion  is  the  personification  of  divine 
protection,   the  dragon  symbolizes  power,   and  the  tiger  is  the 
incarnation  of  thunder  (Allen,  Japanese  Art  Motives,  pp.  52-53). 
In  Christian  art  the  serpent  appears  as  the  personification  of  evil 
and  the  dove  as  the  incarnation  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 

Representative  symbols  are  found  in  the  art  of  various  countries. 
On  the  Egyptian  wall  paintings  from  the  tombs  of  Beni-Hasan 
there  are  many  instances  of  a  river  suggested  by  fish,  hippopotamos, 
or  crocodile  (cf.  Newberry,  Beni  Hasan,  Part  I,  PI.  XXIX;  Part  II, 
PI.  IV).  The  reliefs  from  the  palace  of  Sargon  at  Khorsabad 
furnish  an  Assyrian  example  of  the  representative  type  of  symbol: 
many  small  boats,  with  three  or  four  men  each,  are  transporting 
wood  across  a  stream,  the  water  is  indicated  by  numerous  fish, 
turtles,  crabs,  water-serpents,  shells,  etc.  (Jastrow,  Civilization  of 


COMPARISON  OF  GREEK  WITH  OTHER  SYMBOLISM        41 

Babylonia  and  Assyria,  p.  403,  PI.  LVI,  Fig.  2).  On  a  page  from  the 
Codex  Nuttall  from  Mexico,  the  sea  is  indicated  by  a  crocodile,  a 
flying  fish,  a  sea-serpent,  and  a  bivalve  shell  (Spinden,  Civilizations 
of  Mexico,  p.  219,  PI.  XLIII,  a).  In  many  early  Christian  paint- 
ings of  the  Fall  of  Man  the  scenic  setting  in  the  Garden  of  Eden  is 
suggested  only  by  the  presence  of  the  one  tree  encircled  by  the 
serpent. 

Physical  symbols  for  spiritual  ideas  are  not  limited  to  Greek 
art  any  more  than  the  types  we  have  already  mentioned.  In 
Egyptian  art  the  king  is  of  much  larger  size  than  his  subjects,  the 
dead  are  larger  than  the  living,  and  the  god  is  larger  than  his 
devotees  (Maspero,  Manual  of  Egyptian  Archaeology,  p.  206). 
Instances  of  this  are  familiar  both  in  relief  and  painting;  even  in 
the  archaic  palette  of  Narmer  the  king  is  much  larger  than  his 
subjects  or  his  foes  (Maspero,  op.  cil.,  p.  232,  Figs.  197,  198). 
The  same  rule  held  true  in  Mesopotamia.  For  example,  on  the 
placque  of  Ur-Nina  of  Lagash  that  king  is  much  larger  than  the 
rest  of  his  family  (Jastrow,  Civilization  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria, 
p.  386,  PI.  XL VI,  Fig.  1).  In  Chinese  art,  Ferguson  comments 
on  "  the  adaptation  of  the  size  of  the  figure  to  the  relative  importance 
of  the  person  represented"  (Ferguson,  Outlines  of  Chinese  Art, 
p.  94). 

A  play  upon  words  seems  a  natural  method  of  artistic  symbolism, 
if  one  may  judge  by  the  appearance  of  canting  symbols  in  the  arts 
of  widely  separated  countries.  Maspero  explains  the  canting 
significance  of  the  Egyptian  scarab  in  the  following  words,  "This 
insect  was  called  kheper  and  it  is  supposed  that  its  name  was  derived 
from  the  root  khepra,  'to  become.'  By  an  obvious  play  on  the 
words  the  beetle  was  made  the  emblem  of  terrestrial  existence" 
(Maspero,  Manual  of  Egyptian  Archaeology,  p.  278).  In  China, 
a  lion  represented  a  teacher,  because  the  word  shih  is  the  same  for 
both  (Ferguson,  Outlines  of  Chinese  Art,  p.  197);  a  bat  represents 
happiness  by  a  similar  play  on  words  (Tredwell,  Chinese  Art  Motives, 
p.  22).  In  Japan,  similarly,  the  bean  is  a  symbol  of  bodily  health, 
because  a  word  which  is  pronounced  the  same  as  bean,  but  written 
with  a  different  character,  means  " robust"  (Allen,  Japanese  Art 
Motives,  p.  35);  seaweed  signifies  joy  or  gladness  by  a  pun  on  the 


42  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

verb  "to  rejoice"  (Allen,  op.  cit.,  p.  37).  The  Mexican  deity, 
Uitzilopochtli,  usually  appears  in  the  dress  of  a  humming  bird 
(Uitzitzilin)  "in  punning  allusion  to  his  name"  (Joyce,  Mexican 
Archaeology,  p.  32).  In  Christian  art,  there  is  a  punning  relation 
between  the  names  of  several  saints  and  the  attributes  which 
appear  with  them,  for  instance,  the  lamb  of  St.  Agnes,  the  horn  of 
St.  Cornelius,  and  the  scythe  of  St.  Sidwell  (Geldart,  Manual  of 
Church  Decoration  and  Symbolism,  p.  76). 

The  type  of  symbol  which  represents  an  analogous  idea  instead 
of  the  original  concept  is  also  found  among  other  nations  than  the 
Greeks.  On  the  slate  palette  of  Nar-Mer  from  Egypt,  a  bull  is 
shown  breaking  into  an  inclosure  and  trampling  on  a  human  body. 
There  seems  no  doubt  that  this  represents  the  king  overcoming 
his  foes  (Quibell,  Hierakonpolis,  Pt.  I,  p.  10,  PL  XXIX).  On  the 
Stele  of  the  Vultures  from  Mesopotamia,  the  net  with  human 
figures  undoubtedly  indicates  the  capture  of  enemies  (Jastrow, 
Civilization  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  p.  387,  PI.  XLVII,  Fig.  2). 
Hindu  art  represents  the  reincarnation  of  the  soul  under  the  guise 
of  a  snake,  in  allusion  to  its  habit  of  shedding  the  old  skin  (Ha veil, 
Ideals  of  Indian  Art,  p.  59).  In  all  Buddhist  art  the  white  flowers 
of  the  lotus  are  emblematic  of  purity.  Among  the  Chinese  the 
moon  is  often  represented  with  its  base  half  covered  by  waves  in 
acknowledgment  of  lunar  influence  on  the  tides  (Tredwell,  Chinese 
Art  Motives,  p.  20).  The  Mexican  maize-god,  Cinteotl,  is  repre- 
sented "with  a  vertical  line  leading  down  his  cheek,  probably 
representing  tears,  and  symbolizing  the  fertilizing  rain"  (Joyce, 
Mexican  Archaeology,  p.  38).  In  Maya  art  the  frequent  represen- 
tation of  a  human  head  in  the  snake's  mouth  indicates  "innate 
human  intelligence"  (Spinden,  A  Study  of  Maya  Art,  p.  239). 
In  Christian  art  various  flowers  represented  qualities  which  the 
appearance  of  the  flower  suggested.  Thus  the  lily  typified  purity, 
the  rose,  charity  or  the  blood  of  martyrs,  the  violet,  humility,  etc. 
(Haig,  Floral  Symbolism,  p.  28) .  Various  animals  typified  qualities : 
the  ox  was  an  example  of  patience  and  strength  and  the  lion  of 
strength  (Jenner,  Christian  Symbolism,  p.  146). 

Magic  symbols  are  common  to  all  primitive  peoples  in  the 
animistic  stage  of  religion  and  survive  into  the  theistic  stage.    Delia 


COMPARISON  OF  GREEK  WITH  OTHER  SYMBOLISM        43 

Seta  comments  that  not  only  the  needs  of  life  but  of  death  were 
related  to  the  use  of  magic  in  plastic  art  (Delia  Seta,  Religion  and 
Art,  p.  41).  In  Egypt  and  in  early  China  we  find  the  apotropaic 
eye  (Maspero,  Manual  of  Egyptian  Archaeology,  p.  278;  Fenellosa, 
Epochs  of  Chinese  and  Japanese  Art,  I,  p.  8).  Egypt  possessed 
many  other  magic  symbols  such  as  the  scarab,  the  girdle  tie  of 
Isis  and  the  crux  ansata  (Maspero,  Manual  of  Egyptian  Archaeology, 
p.  278).  In  Mesopotamia  an  image  of  the  demon  of  the  southwest 
wind  was  hung  up  at  door  or  window  to  scare  away  evil  spirits 
(Handcock,  Mesopotamian  Archaeology,  p.  262).  The  winged 
monsters  which  were  at  the  portals  of  a  palace  were  also  intended 
to  ward  off  attacks  of  evil  spirits  (Handcock,  op.  cit.,  p.  238).  The 
Hindus  used  jewels  and  gems  as  a  protection  against  evil;  upon 
some  charms  the  "five  weapons  of  Vishnu"  were  engraved  (Cooma- 
raswamy ,  A  rts  and  Crafts  of  India  and  Ceylon,  p.  1 54) .  The  Japanese 
wear  the  swastika  as  a  guard  against  evil  (Otto  and  Holbrook, 
Mythological  Japan,  p.  50).  Chinese  art  uses  one  of  twelve  animals 
of  the  Zodiac  as  protection  during  the  period  when  that  animal  is 
in  the  ascendancy  (Paleologue,  VArt  Chinois,  p.  68). 

In  addition  to  these  similarities  in  the  general  types,  we  may 
note  some  interesting  parallels  in  specific  symbols.  The  sphinx 
appears  in  Egyptian  and  Mycenean  art  as  well  as  in  Greek  art. 
The  thunderbolt  appears  as  the  attribute  of  the  Mesopotamian 
deity  Adad.  Phallic  emblems  appear  in  many  widely  scattered 
countries,  for  instance,  as  the  lingam  of  Siva  in  India.  The  prophy- 
lactic eye  appears  in  Egypt  and  in  primitive  Chinese  art.  The  Greek 
idea  of  the  soul  as  a  butterfly  appears  also  in  Japan  (Allen,  Japanese 
Art  Motives,  p.  81);  and  the  Mexican  idea  of  souls  as  humming 
birds  and  moths  is  also  noteworthy  (Joyce,  Mexican  Archaeology, 
pp.  102-3). 

Some  of  these  similarities  obviously  can  be  explained  as  inherit- 
ances or  as  migration  of  symbols.  Yet  even  D'Alviella,  the  ardent 
apostle  of  the  migration  theory,  classes  many  of  the  common  and 
familiar  types  of  symbols  as  spontaneous  inventions: 

There  exists  a  symbolism  so  natural  that,  after  the  manner  of  certain 
implements  peculiar  to  the  stone  ages,  it  does  not  belong  to  any  definite  region 
or  race,  but  constitutes  a  characteristic  feature  of  humanity  in  a  certain  phase 


44  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

of  development.  To  this  category  belong,  for  example,  the  representation  of 
the  sun  by  a  disk  or  radiating  face,  of  the  moon  by  a  crescent,  of  the  air  by 
birds,  of  the  water  by  fishes,  also  by  a  wavy  line,  and  so  forth.  Perhaps  certain 
more  complicated  analogies  should  be  added  to  these,  such  as  the  symbolizing 
of  the  different  phases  of  human  existence  by  the  life  of  the  tree,  the  generative 
forces  of  nature  by  the  phallic  emblems,  the  divine  triads  and  generally  every 
triple  combination  whose  members  are  equal,  by  the  equilateral  triangle,  and 
lastly,  the  four  main  directions  of  space  by  the  cross  [D'Alviella,  Migration  of 
Symbols,  p.  12]. 

We  have  arrived,  therefore,  at  a  twofold  conclusion:  first,  the 
majority  of  symbols  in  Greek  art  are  of  types  common  to  many 
lands  and  nations;  second,  a  large  share  of  these  symbols  owe  their 
origin  to  an  early  stage  of  artistic  development  in  which  technical 
perfection  had  not  yet  been  reached. 

In  spite  of  these  obvious  similarities  to  the  symbolism  of  other 
countries,  one  instinctively  feels  that  there  is  a  peculiarly  Hellenic 
character  to  Greek  symbolism.  We  shall  therefore  examine  the 
differences  from  the  symbolism  of  other  countries  in  order  to  see 
whether  this  impression  is  correct. 

Two  types  of  symbols  are  found  in  Greek  art  which  are  not 
found  elsewhere,  namely,  commercial  and  agonistic  types.  In 
addition,  two  other  types  appear  in  Greek  art  which  rarely  occur 
in  other  countries:  cause  for  effect  and  effect  for  cause. 

Yet  the  real  and  vital  difference  lies,  not  in  the  existence  or 
non-existence  of  certain  types  of  symbols,  but  in  the  attitude  toward 
symbols  and  the  application  of  them  to  the  problems  in  hand. 

One  important  difference  from  other  countries  is  that  Greek 
symbols  are  simple,  easy  to  read,  and  almost  self-interpretive. 
Perhaps  that  is  the  reason  why  we  have  not  had  more  discussions 
and  treatises  on  symbolism,  for  few,  indeed,  are  the  Greek  symbols 
whose  significance  we  fail  to  understand.  Greek  symbolism  had 
none  of  that  conscious  veiling  of  meaning  from  the  eyes  of  the 
uninitiate,  none  of  that  deliberate  striving  toward  the  esoteric, 
which  characterizes  the  art  of  other  countries.  Early  Christian 
symbolism  was  "constructed  so  that  it  should  be  understood  fully 
by  the  initiated  only"  (Jenner,  Christian  Symbolism,  Introduction, 
p.  xiv).  In  Buddhist  art  it  is  a  well-recognized  fact  that  the 
symbols  were  esoteric.     Anesaki  says  regarding  Buddhist  symbol- 


COMPARISON  OF  GREEK  WITH  OTHER  SYMBOLISM        45 

ism:  "To  know  all  these  signs  and  their  symbolic  meanings  is  a 
hard  task,  and  we,  the  uninitiated,  must  remain  satisfied  with  being 
told  that  the  possible  deities  and  symbols  are  as  many  as  the  atoms 
of  the  Universe"  (Anesaki,  Buddhist  Art  and  Its  Relation  to  Buddhist 
Ideals,  p.  35).  Hartmann  calls  Buddhist  symbolism  in  Japan 
"an  inextricable  network"  (Hartman,  Japanese  Art,  p.  34),  and 
describes  the  impression  on  one  as  a  "sensation  of  bewilderment 
and  vertigo"  (Hartman,  op.  cit.,  p.  31).  The  esoteric  tendencies 
complicate  the  interpretation  of  Mexican  artistic  remains  (Joyce, 
Mexican  Archaeology,  p.  226). 

Coupled  with  this  characteristic  of  simplicity  is  the  fact  that 
the  number  of  Greek  symbols  in  common  use  was  not  very  large. 
In  Greek  art  we  do  not  find  that  the  symbols  are  "as  many  as  the 
atoms  of  the  Universe,"  as  in  Buddhist  art  (Anesaki,  Buddhist 
Art  and  Its  Relation  to  Buddhist  Ideals,  p.  35),  nor  yet  do  we  find 
it  necessary  in  Greek  art  to  have  classified  lists  of  beings  and  their 
emblems  as  one  must  for  Christian  art,  where  not  only  members  of 
the  earthly  hierarchy  must  be  identified,  but  also  various  orders  of 
supernatural  beings,  such  as  archangels,  cherubim,  seraphim,  etc. 
(cf.  Clement,  Handbook  of  Christian  Symbols,  p.  14  f.). 

It  is  a  third  characteristic  of  Greek  symbols  that  they  are  always 
subordinate  and  do  not  exist  for  their  own  sake,  but  are  merely 
explicative  or  explanatory  of  the  main  idea  which  is  being  presented. 
Ferrero  discusses  a  group  of  symbols  which  he  calls  mystical,  in 
which  "the  symbol  often  ends  by  replacing  entirely  the  thing  which 
it  ought  to  represent,  it  absorbs  the  reality  and  acquires  an  exagger- 
ated importance"  (Ferrero,  Les  Lois  Psychologiques  du  Symbolisme, 
p.  93).  This  description  does  not  apply  to  Greek  art  where,  for 
example,  the  thunderbolt  never  assumes  a  personality  of  its  own, 
superseding  the  figure  of  Zeus,  nor  do  aegis  and  spear  assume  that 
importance  which  belongs  to  Athena.  There  is  no  parallel  in  Greek 
art  to  the  position  of  intrinsic  importance  assigned  to  the  cross  in 
Christian  art,  or  to  the  serpent  in  Maya  art  (Spinden,  Civilizations 
of  Mexico,  p.  84).  Furthermore,  isolated  symbols  do  not  appear 
as  decorative  motives  in  Greek  art,  except  in  the  case  of  magic 
symbols  like  the  apotropaic  eye.  A  contrast  with  this  may  be 
observed  in  Japanese  art  where  certain  symbols  do  appear  alone 


46  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

as  a  decorative  scheme;  for  example,  the  fan  which  is  the  emblem 
of  command,  the  keys  of  the  " go-down,"  specifying  wealth,  the 
crow  as  a  sign  of  filial  devotion,  and  so  forth.  (For  extended  lists 
of  such  symbols  compare  Allen,  Japanese  Art  Motives  and  Otto, 
Mythological  Japan.) 

The  same  taste  which  prompted  the  Greeks  to  make  their 
symbols  few  and  simple,  and  to  subordinate  symbols  to  the  main 
idea,  led  them  to  keep  these  symbols  congruous.  There  are  no 
"mixed  metaphors"  in  Greek  symbolism.  Contrast  with  this  the 
confusion  on  a  Babylonian  seal  cylinder  where  in  the  same  scene 
the  sun  is  represented  as  an  anthropomorphic  being  and  as  the  gate 
of  sunrise  (Jastrow,  Civilization  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  p.  423). 
Nor  did  Greek  art  indulge  in  the  riotous  confusion  of  symbols 
which  forms  such  a  characteristic  feature  of  Hindu  art  (cf.  the 
bronze  statue  of  Siva  Nataraja,  Smith,  History  of  Fine  Arts  in  India 
and  Ceylon,  pp.  250  f.). 

It  is  another  striking  difference  in  the  application  of  symbolism 
that  Greek  symbols  nearly  always  conform  to  some  sort  of  aesthetic 
canon.  There  is  little  suggestion  of  the  absurd,  the  grotesque,  or 
the  horrible  in  Greek  symbolism.1  Contrast  with  this  the  un- 
pleasant beast-human  combinations  of  Egyptian  and  Babylonian 
art,  or  the  fantastic  forms  of  Maya  deities  which  almost  seem  the 
wild  fancies  of  an  opium  dream.  But,  as  in  other  instances,  the 
most  decided  contrast  to  Greek  art  in  this  respect  is  Hindu  art. 
Smith  voices  the  conservative  sentiment  of  most  observers  when  he 
comments  that  Hindu  art  has  "little  regard  to  aesthetic  consider- 
ations, no  form  is  regarded  as  too  monstrous  for  plastic  representa- 
tion. The  result  too  often  is  merely  grotesque  and  absurd,  but 
occasionally  is  horrible.  Additional  limbs  and  heads  are  put  on, 
whether  or  not  they  disturb  the  balance  of  the  composition  or  excite 
a  feeling  of  disgust"  (Smith,  op.  cit.,  p.  182).  Delia  Seta  says  that 
in  Greek  art  considerations  of  form  were  a  vital  consideration 
because  the  art  was  decorative  in  type  (Delia  Seta,  Religion  and 
Art,  p.  212).  We  may  sum  up  this  difference  by  saying  that  Greek 
symbolism  was  that  of  the  artist,  and  therefore  his  symbols  had  to 

1  Such  instances  as  the  "horse-headed"  Demeter,  known  through  literary  refer- 
ences, are  very  rare  in  Greek  art. 


COMPARISON  -OF  GREEK  WITH  OTHER  SYMBOLISM        47 

conform  to  aesthetic  considerations,  while  the  symbolism  of  these 
other  countries  was  not  primarily  that  of  the  artist,  but  of  the 
religionist.  In  my  opinion,  this  is  the  most  important  and  character- 
istic feature  of  Greek  symbolism. 

With  these  differences  noted  between  Greek  symbolism  and  that 
of  other  countries,  let  us  finally  make  inquiry  into  the  reasons  for 
such  differences. 

The  first  reason  is  the  vital  one  of  the  purpose  which  art  served 
in  each  country.  In  Egypt  art  served  a  protective  purpose;  its 
chief  aim  was  the  benefit  of  the  dead.  In  Babylonia  and  Assyria 
the  chief  purpose  of  art  was  the  glorification  of  the  ruling  dynasty 
(Delia  Seta,  op.  cit.,  pp.  140  f.).  The  reliefs  were  for  the  most 
part  realistic  scenes  of  war  and  hunting;  and  symbols  were  used 
to  convey  the  necessary  setting  of  forest  or  sea.  Early  Christian 
symbolism  was  didactic  in  its  purpose:  Jenner  says,  " Beauty  was 
not  so  much  its  object  as  instruction  and  reminding"  (Jenner, 
Christian  Symbolism,  Introduction,  p.  xvii) .  Similarly,  the  main  pur- 
pose of  Hindu  art  was  "to  make  the  central  idea  of  Hindu  religion  and 
philosophy  intelligible"  (Havell,  Ideals  of  Indian  Art,  Introduction, 
p.  xviii).  Smith  agrees  that  "the  main  object  of  the  artist  was  to 
illustrate  his  Bible"  (Smith,  History  of  Fine  Arts  in  India  and 
Ceylon,  p.  78).  The  same  author's  comment  in  another  passage 
is  even  more  illuminating,  "Art  for  its  own  sake  did  not,  and  does 
not  now,  interest  the  Hindu"  (Smith,  op.  cit.,  p.  8).  The  purpose 
of  Greek  art  was  lupqais  tcov  kclX&v,  or,  as  Delia  Seta  well  expresses 
it,  "The  constant  aim  of  Greek  art  was  ideal  perfection  of  form. 
A  decorative  form  of  art  that  would  have  its  subjects  valued  for 
the  appearance  they  assumed  must  give  the  greatest  weight  to 
considerations  of  form,  for  only  by  perfection  of  form  could  the 
expressiveness  of  the  scene  be  increased"  (Delia  Seta,  Religion  and 
Art,  p.  212).  The  purpose  of  Greek  art,  therefore,  was  neither 
magical  nor  dynastic,  neither  didactic  nor  esoteric;  it  was  aesthetic. 
The  artist  made  a  statue  or  coin  with  the  twofold  aim  of  satisfying 
his  own  instinct  to  create  something  beautiful  and  of  giving  to  his 
patrons  the  pleasure  of  gazing  upon  something  beautiful.  Art, 
whose  purpose  is  magical,  didactic  or  esoteric,  must  call  upon 
symbolism  very  extensively  since  many  of  the  ideas  engendered 


48  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

by  such  purposes  are  "in  the  fulness  of  their  own  nature  not  expres- 
sible at  all"  (Pater,  Greek  Studies,  p.  300) .  But  an  art  whose  purpose 
is  nifj.7)<ns  tu)i>  KaXoov  excludes  symbolism  except  in  so  far  as  realistic 
technique  is  deficient. 

The  second  important  reason  for  differences  in  symbolism  lies 
in  the  attitude  of  the  Greeks  toward  religion  and  philosophy. 
There  never  existed  in  the  Greek  religion  that  objection  to  the 
anthropomorphic  representation  of  deity  which  existed  in  various 
other  nations,  notably  among  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians,  the 
Jews,  the  early  Christians,  and  during  the  early  stages  of  Buddhism. 
Such  objections  to  anthropomorphism  forced  artists  to  suggest 
the  deities  under  various  symbols,  more  or  less  appropriate  to  their 
character  and  functions;  or  else,  as  among  the  Jews,  it  entirely 
prevented  the  creation  of  art.  Nor  was  there,  among  the  Greeks, 
an  overwhelming  interest  in  the  protective  aspect  of  deity  as  in 
Egyptian  religion;  nor  in  the  spiritual  or  moral  nature  of  the  deity 
as  in  Hebrew  or  Christian  religion;  nor  yet  in  the  philosophical  or 
metaphysical  aspect  of  deity  as  was  the  case  among  the  Hindus. 
The  chief  religious  interest  of  the  Greeks  was  in  the  human  or 
physical  aspect  of  deity.  From  the  viewpoint  of  religion,  therefore, 
the  Greek  did  not  need  to  adopt  symbolism  for  the  expression  of 
his  ideas.1 

The  last  reason  for  the  differences  in  symbols  lies  in  the  attitude 
of  the  Greeks  toward  the  physical  world.  The  Greek  had  a  very 
real  love  for  and  sympathy  with  the  physical  world  and  material 
existence.  He  did  not  hold  the  pessimistic  doctrine  of  the  Hindu 
that  life  is  present  pain  and  that  the  chief  necessity  was  to  annihilate 
the  love  of  life.  He  did  not  strive  "to  subdue  the  flesh,  to  repress 
the  passion  for  enjoyment,  to  trample  upon  one's  own  existence" 
(Delia  Seta,  Religion  and  Art,  pp.  295-96).  On  the  contrary,  the 
Greek  rejoiced  keenly  in  the  pleasures  which  his  senses  afforded  to 

1  Cf.  Delia  Seta,  Religion  and  Art,  p.  303,  "Greek  art,  the  art  of  a  nation  which 
produced  the  greatest  of  philosophies,  had  never  attempted  to  clothe  philosophic 
conceptions  in  artistic  form.  On  the  contrary  one  of  its  best  features,  the  one  which 
enabled  it  to  preserve  eternal  youth,  was  its  unwillingness  to  philosophize  with  forms." 

Delia  Seta,  op.  cit.,  p.  142,  "Greek  art  frees  itself  from  the  oppression  of  religious 
bonds  and  while  taking  its  figure  subjects  from  religion  and  myth,  made  from  them 
pure  ideals  of  material  and  moral  beauty." 


COMPARISON  OF  GREEK  WITH  OTHER  SYMBOLISM        49 

him  and  revelled  deeply  in  the  physical  beauties  of  the  world  around 
him.  As  a  result  of  this  sensitive  appreciation,  he  expressed  his 
own  ideas  of  beauty  and  aesthetics  in  terms  of  physical  objects 
from  the  real  world.  One  might  almost  say  that  he  did  his  thinking 
through  the  medium  of  material  and  concrete  objects.  For  example, 
when  the  Greek  thought  such  an  idea  as  Victory,  he  did  not  retain 
that  idea  as  an  abstract  concept  but  immediately  translated  it 
into  terms  of  the  physical  world  wherein  lay  his  chief  interest:  he 
had  the  rare  gift  of  concrete  visualization.  Another  important 
feature  of  this  relation  to  the  physical  world  was  the  Greek  concep- 
tion of  man's  place  in  the  Universe.  Many  of  the  Chinese  ideas 
and  symbols  are  comprehensible  only  from  their  viewpoint  of  the 
"inferior  position  of  man  to  the  powers  of  Heaven  and  Earth'' 
(Ferguson,  Outlines  of  Chinese  Art,  p.  197);  the  Jewish  view  is  the 
same,  "What  is  man  that  Thou  art  mindful  of  him?"  To  the 
Greek,  however,  man  was  the  equal  of  any  being  in  the  Universe; 
his  gods  were  but  larger  men,  and  he  had  no  visions  of  celestial 
beauty  like  those  of  a  Fra  Angelico.  Thus  the  chief  object  of 
interest  to  the  Greek  was  the  human  body  and  for  his  loving 
depiction  of  this  form  of  beauty  he  needed  no  symbols.1 

From  our  review  of  the  artistic  practice  of  various  lands  it 
appears  that  a  recourse  to  symbolism  is  an  indication  of  the  artist's 
sense  of  the  inadequacy  of  his  art  to  picture  fully  his  ideas  and 
intentions.  This  inadequacy  may  be  due  merely  to  the  artist's  own 
lack  of  skill  (in  that  he  does  not  know  how  to  picture  something 
which  is  perfectly  susceptible  of  being  so  pictured  or  represented) ; 
or  it  may  be  due  to  the  artist's  desire  to  express  something  incapable 
of  direct  pictorial  representation.  In  Greek  art  we  have  found 
very  few  instances  belonging  to  this  second  category.  The  clearest 
examples  occurred  (1)  on  coins,  where  they  were  due  to  the  attempt 
to  eliminate  or  to  subordinate  written  legends  (such  as  the  name  of 
the  town  minting  the  coin,  the  value  of  the  coin),  and  (2)  in  the 
attempt  to  express  abstractions  in  visual  form.  A  recourse  to 
symbolism  because  of  the  artist's  lack  of  skill  is  naturally  frequent 

1  Rodin,  Art,  p.  57,  "Among  no  other  people  has  the  beauty  of  the  human  body 
excited  a  more  sensuous  tenderness." 


50  THE  USES  OF  SYMBOLISM  IN  GREEK  ART 

in  the  earlier  periods  of  Greek  art.  Thus,  as  long  as  there  were  no 
adequate  means  for  individualizing  persons,  attributive  symbols 
were  inevi table;  before  the  mastery  of  the  means  for  showing 
facial  expression  properly,  a  symbolic  language  of  gesture  was 
necessary  (e.g.,  Boston  Counterpart).  But  as  the  growing  technical 
proficiency  eliminated  these  difficulties,  the  attendant  symbolism 
tended  to  disappear  pari  passu.  From  our  study  there  emerges 
this  very  important  and  very  significant  thesis,  viz.,  that  tlie  Ireek 
artistic  mind  {to  a  degree  known  to  no  other  nation)  had  the  power  of 
concrete  visualisation  and  of  self-expression  in  physically  real  terms 
capable  of  direct  pictorial  representation.  The  Greek  mind  thought 
in  terms  of  what  actually  was  in  order  to  suggest  vividly  and  immedi- 
ately what  actually  might  be.  This  is  one  of  the  chief  reasons  why 
Greek  art  does  not  feel  exotic  nor  become  antiquated.  It  constitutes 
one  of  its  chief  claims  to  be  a  salutary  influence  and  a  great  teacher 
for  artists  today. 

Wherever  the  ultimate  intention  lies  beyond  the  physically 
concrete  and  real  (as  so  often  happens  when  art  is  in  the  service  of 
religion)  the  artist  must  help  himself  out  with  symbols.  There  is 
no  more  extraordinary  comment  upon  the  character  of  Greek 
religion  than  the  apparent  adequacy  of  Greek  art  to  serve  the 
demands  of  Greek  religion  without  having  to  abandon  any  of  its 
own  concreteness,  without  having  to  take  refuge  in  symbolic 
suggestion,  nor  is  there  any  more  illuminating  comment  on  Indian 
art  than  its  subordinance  to  symbolism  in  the  interest  of  Indian 
religious  ideas. 

It  may  be  that  the  greatest  art  is  symbolic :  such  a  conclusion 
might  flow  from  one's  definition  of  artistic  greatness,  and  with 
such  a  thesis  we  here  have  no  concern.  But  it  would  appear  to 
follow  from  our  discussion  that  part  of  the  greatness  of  Greek  art 
lies  in  its  avoidance  of  symbolism  and  that  Greek  art  is  the  great 
example  of  non-symbolic  art. 


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ABBREVIATIONS 

A.G.—  Furtwangler,  A.,  Antike  Gemmen. 

A  J  .A . — A  merican  Journal  of  Archaeology. 

Ann.  d.  Inst. — Anatoli  dell'  Instituto  di  Correspondenza  Archaeologica. 

Ant.  Denk. — Antike  Denkmaler. 

Arch.  Anz. — Archaeologischer  Anzeiger. 

Art  and  Arch. — Art  and  Archaeology. 

Ath.  Milt. — Athenische  Mittheilungen. 

A .Z. — Archaeologische  Zeitung. 

B.B. — Brunn,  H.,  and  Arndt,  P.,  Denkmaler  griechischer  und  romischer  Skulplur. 

B.C.H.—  Bulletin  de  Correspondance  Hellenique. 

Bull.  d.  Inst.—  Bulletin  dell'  Instituto. 

C.R.—  Comptes-Rendus  de  la  Commission  Imperiale  Archeologique,  Atlas. 

Ephem.  Arch. — Ephemeris  Archaeologike. 

F.R. — Furtwangler,  A.,  and  Reichold,  K.,  Griechische  Vasenmalerei. 

H.N. — Head,  B.  V.,  Historia  Numorum. 

Jhb. — Jahrbuch  des  Kaiserlich  Deutschen  Archaeologischen  Instituls. 

J.H.S. — Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies. 

Memorie — Memorie  de  Vlnstitut  de  Rome. 

Mon.  Ant.  Line. — •Monumenti  Antichi  della  Reale  Accademia  dei  Lincei. 

Mem.  d.  Inst. — Monumenti  Inediti  dell'  Instituto. 

Mon.  Piot — Monuments  et  Memoir es:  Fondation  Eugene  Piot. 

Rev.  Arch. — Revue  Archeologique. 

Rhein.  Mus. — Rheinisches  Museum. 

Rom.  Mitt. — Romische  Mittheilungen. 


55 


VITA 

I,  Janet  Malcolm  Macdonald,  was  born  in  Hubbard,  Iowa,  March  6,  1891, 
daughter  of  W.  T.  Macdonald,  D.D.,  and  Margaret  Janet  Macdonald.  I  was 
prepared  for  college  during  the  years  1904  to  1907  by  the  Morningside  Academy, 
Sioux  City,  Iowa.  From  1907  to  1910  I  was  a  student  at  Morningside  College, 
Sioux  City,  Iowa,  from  which  I  was  graduated  in  1910  with  the  degree  of  A.B. 
During  1911-12  I  was  assistant  principal  in  the  high  school  at  Aurelia,  Iowa. 
From  191 2  to  1913  I  was  graduate  scholar  in  classics  at  the  University  of 
Illinois,  from  which  I  received  the  degree  of  A.M.  in  1913;  during  this  year, 
the  greater  part  of  my  work  was  done  with  Professor  A.  S.  Pease  and  Professor 
W.  A.  Oldfather,  to  whose  scholarship  and  inspiration  I  am  deeply  indebted. 
During  the  years  1913-15  I  was  instructor  in  Latin  in  Morningside  College, 
Sioux  City,  Iowa.  From  191 5  to  191 7  I  was  graduate  scholar  in  archaeology 
at  Bryn  Mawr  College,  and  191 7-1 8  fellow  in  archaeology  at  the  same  institu- 
tion. 

In  191 7  I  was  awarded  upon  competitive  examination  the  Fellowship  of  the 
School,  in  the  American  School  of  Classical  Studies  at  Athens.  My  sincere 
thanks  are  due  to  Professor  Rhys  Carpenter  for  his  kindly  suggestions  and 
generous  assistance  during  the  preparation  for  these  examinations. 

I  acknowledge  with  pleasure  my  indebtedness  to  my  various  instructors, 
particularly  to  Professor  Arthur  Leslie  Wheeler,  Professor  George  Amos 
Barton,  and  Dr.  Mary  Hamilton  Swindler. 

I  wish  to  express  my  thanks  to  Professor  Rhys  Carpenter  for  his  suggestion 
of  the  subject,  and  for  his  interest  and  inspiration  in  the  development  of  the 
thesis;  and  to  Professor  Joseph  Clark  Hoppin  for  his  unfailing  generosity  of 
time  and  for  his  criticism  and  supervision  of  the  dissertation  during  Professor 
Carpenter's  absence  in  military  service.  I  desire  also  to  thank  Dr.  Mary 
Hamilton  Swindler  for  many  valuable  suggestions;  and  Dr.  Eleanor  Ferguson 
Rambo  for  helpful  criticism. 


56 


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